ChickenBones: A Journal

for Literary & Artistic African-American Themes



Lessons and Warnings from South Sudan

Notes from Bakie Bankie, Gaddafi, and Chinweizu



Books by Chinweizu


 The West and the Rest of Us (1975) / Decolonising the African Mind (1987) / Voices from Twentieth-century Africa (1988)


Invocations and Admonitions (1986); Energy Crisis and Other Poems (1978); Anatomy of Female Power (1990)


 Towards the Decolonization of African Literature (1980).


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Lessons and Warnings from South Sudan

Notes from Bankie Bankie, Gaddafi, and Chinweizu


Dear Deng

My anxiety remains—that most Africans are unaware of the Arab Agenda in Africa. Some receiving this mail have yet to be convinced of this Arab threat. It was in 1991 that I accepted this fact. The reason we are last in the world order is precisely because we do not know what our best interests are. Not because we are fools—but because this has been concealed from us or we have been deliberately mislead by our leaders.

If this is agreed, then South Sudan, the main victim, in the contemporary period of the Arab plot is the best informed due to its experiences to lead us out of our (Nkrumah’s) past misconceptions about our Arab “brothers.”

The OAU/AU excludes the effective participation of our diasporas in its deliberations because the Arabs want to ensure that Africans on the continent never unite with those in the diasporas. This is the major impediment to African unity.

Organizations such as the World African Diaspora Union (WADU— perpetuate old meaningless OAU/AU agendas. We are trapped. Best regards—Bankie

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There are between 170-200 million Arabs in Africa.

The change of government in Khartoum will happen, after which the creation of the New Sudan would take ten years or less to construct, which was John Garang’s project.

The Arab Jebel Marra project started in 1990. Jebel Marra is a particularly scenic mountainous location in Darfur with fertile land, lots of water and a cool climate. It is being turned into a homeland/forward base for Islamic Jihadists from around the world. Qatar is the main supporter/funder of this project, using revenues from the current US$100 per barrel for petrol.

Once settled by Arabs Jebel Marra will be used as a launching pad at any strategic target for Islamisation/Arabisation. This is the underlying core reason for the Darfur war. The Darfurians are asking if the rest of Africa (e.g. West and South Africa ) cares about this.

Some 40,000 ‘Arabs, called  Muhamid ( a mixed race/coloured people ) were recently expelled from Niger. Along with the Arabised Tauregs, the Muhamid are also being settled in Darfur, in the burnt-out villages from which the Fur and other groups have been expelled.

Libya says all illegal immigrants must leave within three months, including half a million Darfurians. Bankie 30/1/08

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Gaddafi warns Africa over unity—Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi has threatened to turn his back on Africa if the continent’s leaders again reject his proposals for closer unity. . . . He said Libya would instead look towards Europe and the Arab world.

Col Gaddafi was speaking just ahead of the opening of a summit of African Union leaders in Ethiopia on Thursday. He also said Libya was prepared to move its African investments, which he said amounted to more than $5bn (£2.5bn), to Arab and Mediterranean states. The Libyan leader has for a long time advocated the creation of a United States of Africa – with its government including a foreign minister, defence minister and minister of trade. The AU, which succeeded the Organisation of African Unity in 2002, was conceived by Mr Gaddafi as part of this vision. . . He said Libya would consider more economically strategic alternatives like Europe and the Arab world if his vision was rejected. “The (summit) will be decisive. It will either put an end to stalling and time wasting on the unification of Africa or prove there is a conspiracy which vetoes African unity,” Mr Gaddafi said.—BBC

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No timetable for uniting Africa—African leaders have ended their three-day summit in Ghana without reaching agreement on how to establish a single government for the continent. . . . Libyan leader Col Muammar Gaddafi, who had called for the immediate establishment of a single government, foreign policy and army, left the summit before it was officially ended by Mr Kufuor at close to midnight. . . . Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni said he backed economic integration but said Africa was too diverse for one government. “Politically we should only integrate with people who are either similar or compatible with us,” he said, according to Uganda’s state-owned media. Senegal, one of Africa’s most stable democracies, backed Mr Gaddafi’s call for the immediate set up of a pan-African government. Since the idea of African political unity was first pushed – by Kwame Nkrumah, who led Ghana to independence in 1957 – there has been little progress.—BBC

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Black African Aspirations vs. Continental Unification—Is there any black African, whether in the homeland or the Diaspora, who doesn’t want, by yesterday, a Black Africa that is prosperous, secure from exploiters and invaders, and is respected by the whole world, like China or Japan is? That, I believe, is the basic aspiration driving the desire for Continental African Unity, as attempted through the OAU/AU, and now through this proposed USAfrica. Let me give three reasons why the continental union government approach to our aspirations hasn’t worked, won’t work, and is very dangerous for Black Africans.—USAfrica: A Mortal Danger for Black Africans—A Black Power Pan-Africanist Viewpoint (Chinweizu)

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The 9th January 2008 was a public holiday in South Sudan. There was little to celebrate. Even though the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) bough peace between Juba,

capital of Southern Sudan and Khartoum, capital of Sudan, after a period of 50 years of intermittent war between the South and Khartoum, the ‘peace’ is at best shaky and uncertain.

Khartoum has signed peace agreements in the past. Each one it has dishonoured.

As at the 9th January 2008 outstanding for implementation are :-

The redeployment of the Khartoum army north of the border between north and south Sudan

The main area of petroleum extraction  is Abyei – whether Abyei falls in north or south Sudan should have been decided by now

The demarcation of the border between the north and south Sudan should have been completed by now

The population census is far behind schedule in its planning and execution due to the denial of funds by Khartoum

The preparation for the 2009 elections is behind schedule, this will effect the 2011 Referendum to be held in the south to determine if the south will opt to be independent or remain a part of Sudan.

On the 21st December 2007 135 people were brutally massacred in Northern Bahr El Ghazal State, in Southern Sudan. This unprovoked attack by the National Congress Party/National Islamic Front (NCP/NIF), the ruling party in Khartoum was backed by the Missirya and the Popular Defense Force (PDF), burning down settlements, massacring defenceless citizens, looting properties and livestock and capturing civilians. Yet again, the Misseriya people are being used by Khartoum against the south, just as the Apartheid regime used people to fight its proxy wars, in Namibia, Mozambique and Rhodesia. In this situation all the marginalized people in Sudan need to stand together to defeat the machinations of northern hegemony. 

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The whole world is closely following the deliberations at the current National Congress Party convention.

The party is that is now known as the ‘National Congress Party ‘ was formed during the regime of President Omar El Bashir. But its manifesto reflects that of the National Islamic Front. It is therefore obvious that it is the same party that has disguised itself with another name. Perhaps this is so for reasons that if it remains with the same name it will sound sectarian and lose regional and international support. The National Islamic Front struggled for power but initially did not succeed due to its unpopularity. It found a chance to rule in a military coup that toppled Prime Minister Sadiq El Mahdi.

Since then, the policy of the party, towards the South, has been to Islamize the people of Southern Sudan, to fit them into an Islamic Nation that they had always wanted and dreamt of creating. Although all the traditional parties in Northern Sudan have the strategy of promoting Islam in the Sudan, and to Islamize the South, only the National Islamic Front, or now the National Congress Party, believe in the ‘use of force approach’ to Islamize the South.

The 21 year period of war in the South, witnessed the pouring into the South of jihad fighters from within Sudan and from Islamic countries. The Sudan Peoples Liberation Army/Movement was branded an anti-Islam movement. But the fact that there were Moslems in the Movement made it difficult to justify the claim. The leadership of  the  party ( National Congress ) did not believe in all Moslems, but only those of fundamentalist stock.

However, the party leadership managed to solicit funds and arms from the Islamic countries in the name of transforming the Sudan into an Islamic nation, and to advance Islam in Africa. During the war period, the South witnessed the pouring in of Islamic NGOs and Institutions, to carry out Islamic activities in the South.

With the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), their activities to Islamize the South, by force if necessary, have been halted. The CPA, which grants all citizens in the Sudan rights and freedoms, and secularism, is not in the interests of the National Congress Party. How will they explain to those who have funded them to fight what they call idolaters and transform the country into an Islamic Nation?

It is, therefore, not surprising that the National Congress Party fights so hard to kill the CPA. But the reality is that the kind of ideology being nursed by the National Congress Party is not applicable in a multicultural, multi-religious, and multi-racial country like the Sudan. The National Congress Party is trying to impose on the Sudan what will always foster conflict.

 The CPA has come to stay for as long as it is the only way for the realization of true peace in the Sudan. Threats of violence will not solve any problem. You can kill people, but you can never kill the will of the people. They will continue to come up for their rights. History has taught us just that.

The National Congress Party must implement the CPA in good faith, if they are for peace in the Sudan.   

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National collaborative strategies for the UN in Darfur

By Mahgoub El-Tigani

The Islamists’ escalation of the crisis : escalating ethno-administrative cleansing

The current NIF government is directly responsible for the ethnic cleansing of the non-Arab people of Darfur. According to O’Fahey, ‘The ethnicisation of the conflict has grown more rapidly since the military coup in 1989 that brought to power the regime of al-Bashir, which is not only Islamist but also Arabic-centric. This has injected an ideological and racist dimension into the conflict, with the sides defining themselves as ‘Arab’ or ‘Zurq’(black). Despite this racist attitude, which is the major reason Sudanese regions have revolted one after the other against the central government, several writers have wrongfully reduced the crisis to a matter of tribal feuds or scarcity of natural resources.

But as opposition activist Suliman Hamid al-Haj emphasizes, ‘Darfur’s crisis is a fully fledged state conspiracy plotted by Hassan al-Turabi (Secretary-General  of the NIF party, the National Congress; Speaker of the state parliament, the National Council; and thus top guide of the NIF political bodies) and subsequently pursued by Arab militias in full collaboration with the Sudan government and its ruling party, the National Islamist Front’.

It is thus the government, to a much greater degree than the militias it established  and systematically manipulated, that is squarely responsible for the crisis in Darfur and the heinous atrocities resulting from it.

According to Hamid’s documentary, ‘Wad al-Nuqat fi al-Hurof, Hassan al-Turabi, at the height of his power  with the NIF regime, issued a degree clearly stating the following : the Islamists of Negro tribes became hostile to the Islamic Movement. The Islamic Front aims to support the Arab tribes by these steps: forced displacement of the Fur from Jebel Merra to Wadi Salih, followed by complete disarming of the Fur people, for good: they are to be replaced with the Mehairiya, Itaifat, and Irayqat (Arab tribes). Arms must never return to the Zaghawa, who must be moved from Kutum to Um Rwaba (North Kordofan State); the Arab tribes should be armed and financed to act as the nucleus of the Islamic Arab Alliance.

This official fatwa is the basis of the state plot in Darfur. It has been literally executed, as revealed by current  events in the region, even after al-Turabi was purged from the party. ‘This plot represents the class interests of Islamised capitalists, which include strata of the Arab tribes as well as  some of the Zurqa ( tribes of non-Arab descent ). The majority of Arab tribes have not participated in this scheme;  they have not rejected it ; but actively resisted it since it was first implemented’, claims Hamid. Only the few Zurqa who share class interest with the ruling party have taken part in the government’s plot.

A great many Sudanese consider the NIF military  government disqualified to rule the country. ‘ They have no heritage of political leadership and their ideology is alien to the Sudanese people, particularly in the rural areas’ writes Ahmed. But the NIF government  ‘started from day one to find a niche in the Sudanese society through which to impose “ the civilization, the Islamisation and the Arabisation of the Sudanese state and society”.It requires that the total Sudanese cultural, political and religious heritage that had cumulatively taken shape since time immemorial be abandoned and a new political culture based on NIF ideology be adopted’.

Demanding allegiance to the NIF and its ruling junta, the new administrative system of the regime in Darfur and Kordofan is known as the Emirates. Ahmed continues, ‘ Such traditional tribal titles as King, Demangai, Nazer, Omda and Sheikh have been cancelled and replaced by ‘Amir’. But the local tribes are used to their old system of native tribes, which automatically convey a lot about the tribe, rank and status of the holder’.

The Massalit exemplify the resentment among Darfurian Africans toward the Muslim Brotherhood and the Arab emirate system. The Massalit administrative system, Ahmed writes, has been divided into 13 emirates, five of them belonging to migrant Arab tribes in accordance with a decree proclaimed by the NIF Wali (governor) in March 1995

The Massalit feel that they are the ones targeted by this policy, which aims at balkanizing their teritory and giving away large portions of land to migrant Arab tribes. This is the real cause of the violent conflict, which recently erupted between the Massalit and the Arab tribes in their area. The regime- organized peace conferences have been ineffectual because the regime really never addressed the basic causes of the conflict. Intead, it turned them into its sloganeering and sweet talking without really solving the disputes in issue.

In May 1991, members of the Zaghawa tribe presented a political memorandum to the President of the Republic. The memorandum referred to the recent events which took place in the areas of Chazzan Jaded, Sheridan, Argo, Await and Um Kato, all of which were tribally motivated and were aimed at undermining the security situation in the region. We hold the Governor of Darfur Region responsible for these incidents, together with the security committee, the commanders of the military convoys and leaders of the native administration in the area. There were indications that these incidents were planned.

The document ended with ‘ urgent demands ’for immediate government attention ‘ to 1) bringing to justice the culprits who perpetrated the above-mentioned crimes, involving massacres, burning of homes and property, robbery, looting and torture targeting our tribe: and 2) ending the state of siege imposed around thec water points’.

The Darfur Rebellion

Early in 2003, with the NIF’s escalation of the Darfur crisis, the Sudanese political arena witnessed the emergence of two Darfurian non-Arab parties: the Sudanese Liberation Army (SLA) lad by lawyer ‘ Abd al-Wahid Mohamed Nor and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) led by the Turabi disciple Cahill Ibrahim, a former minister in the Bashir administration. Seeking to establish immediate autonomous rule,  independent from Khartoum, both the SLA and JEM advocated armed struggle to force the NIF government to allow a politics of self-determination as well as fair wealth sharing.

While the SPLM/A is strongly antagonistic to the NIF‘s Islamist ideology, many members of the SLA and JEM, by contrast, were once part of the NIF ruling systems.

In addition to the hegemony of Khartoum over the Darfurian native system, according to Lobbing, ‘ there are many long standing economic grievances that precipitated the SLA and JEM to initiate this round of fighting’.

The NIF government responded by unleashing the Jonahed/Janjaweed on the rebels, side by side with the PDF and the army troops. Since then the Jonahed, formerly known ar the mural, or Beggar horse riders, have been accused of widespread killings, rape, abduction, torching of villages and crops, and cattle looting aimed at black Muslims in Darfur. Aid agencies say up to 50,000 people have died from the conflict, while more than 1.4 million have been displaced. About 170,000 of these have fled into neighboring Chad for fear of being attacked by the Jonahed. The indigenous people’s resistance to the NIF assaults on native administration and land ownership was sporadic before the emergence of the SLA, which opened a massive offensive by twice seizing a major town in Northern Darfur in Febuary 2003.

 Unable to cope with the rebellion, the Government opened negotiations but quickly breached the cease-fire. In retaliation, the SLA now joined by the JEM, attacked El-Fisher, Melee and Kutum. The capture of large numbers f troops from El-Fisher and north of Kutum forced the Government to sign a cease-fire and agree to negotiations in Apache, Chad on 3 September 2003.

The author is a sociologist at the Department of Social Work and Sociology in Tennessee State University, Nashville, TN, USA. He can be reached at

NIF = National Islamist Front

Source: Extract from page 3 of The Citizen of 3rd October 2007, Vol 2, Issue No 254, Published Khartoum/Juba, South Sudan

posted 31 January 2008

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Ancient African Nations

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The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan  The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll  Only a Pawn in Their Game

Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for Slavery

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update 24 June 2012




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