ChickenBones: A Journal
for Literary & Artistic African-American Themes
Americans, from the beginning, were both democrats and bullies. Despite the hesitancy of elites, most patriots
at the time of our nations birth believed people should govern themselves, and that is why they threw
off British rule. They also believed they had the right, even the obligation, to impose their will on people they
deemed inferior. These two core beliefs are key to understanding American history and the American character
Books by Ray Raphael
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By Ray Raphael
Question. One of the American Revolutions most cherished myths is that of the patriotic slave. I suppose we have the Mel Gibson movie The Patriot to thank for perpetuating that myth, particularly the scene when someone reads a fictional order from George Washington that All bound slaves who give minimum one year service in the Continental Army will be granted freedom and be paid a bounty of five shillings for each month of service. Your comment is, The document . . . which is seen on screen and appears visually authentic, contains more historical errors in a single sentence that at first seems possible. Could you briefly enumerate them for us?
Answer: First, George Washington regarded the presence of slaves in the Continental Army as a total embarrassment, and he did everything in his power to keep them out. One week after assuming command, he ordered that no stroller, negro, or vagabond be allowed to enlist.
The British Army was much more welcoming. Four months after Washingtons decree, the royal governor of Virginia, Lord Dunmore, offered freedom to all slaves who left their masters and fought against the patriots. Over the course of the war, tens of thousands of slaves fled to the British in search of their freedom, including at least 20 men and women enslaved to George Washington.
Next, even if Washington had wanted to enlist slaves, he never would have offered them freedom for only one year of service. He insisted on longer enlistments, three years or the duration of the war. Had he promised freedom in return for such a short term, his recruiting officers would have been instantly overwhelmed, and the Continental Army would have become predominantly black.
Further, who would have compensated the masters? To seize property from patriotic slave owners without compensation was unthinkablebut how could Congress afford to pay for slaves when it couldnt even afford enough food to sustain the soldiers it had?
Plus, Washington was simply not the one to do the recruiting. That was left to the individual states. Later in the war some states did permit slaves to serve as substitutes for whites who had been drafted, but even so, not all of these were granted freedom in the end. In South Carolina, the setting for The Patriot, John Laurens, the son of the president of Congress, proposed arming some slaves to fight alongside the patriots, but Washington opposed the idea, and the South Carolina government rejected it outright.
This is not to say South Carolina did not make use of slaves to bolster the army. To induce whites to enlist, Southern states offered special bountiesnot to slaves, but of slaves. Near the end of the war, when manpower was scarce, any white who signed on would receive a special bonus of one slave.
The worst myth propagated in The Patriot is that slaves were so devoted to their masters that they would risk their lives on the battlefield. The truth is, slaves tried to use the Revolutionary War in whatever way they could to gain their own freedom. A few enslaved African-Americans in the North managed to bargain for their freedom by fighting for the patriots; a vastly greater number in the South thought their prospects were better with the British. In either case, slaves struggled to achieve freedom from a tyranny far more acute than taxation without representation.
Question: In your chapter March of the American People, you write, The Revolutionary War looks very different if we stand on Indian lands and look back east. This is a particularly interesting point since most Americans seem to feel that the Indian Wars really took place on the Western plains. You remind us that the American Revolution was by far the largest Indian war in our nations history. Why do you feel this very important point has been all but forgotten by writers of American history textbooks?
Answer: While other conflicts between Native Americans and Euro-Americans involved only one or two Indian nations at a time, all Native peoples east of the Mississippi became directly involved in the Revolutionary War, most fighting with the British, a few with the Americans. For a decade after the Revolution, various pan-Indian confederations continued to pursue their own wars of independence. Finally, after two decades of fighting, Euro-Americans managed to expand their effective domain from east of the Appalachian Divide clear to the Mississippi. Previously, it had taken a century and a half to conquer an equivalent amount of territory along the Eastern seaboard.
The American Revolution, in short, was at least in part a war of conquest, but we dont like to view it that way. In our texts we learn about white-Indian conflict during the early settlements in the seventeenth century, and we pick up the story again with the struggles for the West in the nineteenth century, but we ignore the critical moment at the time of our nations founding, when the groundwork for westward expansion was established. The Northwest Ordinance of 1787, for instance, is always portrayed as the crowning achievement of the Articles of Confederation, because it paved the way to the West.
Rarely during our discussions of the founding era do we treat the impact on Native populations, because its simply too embarrassing. If we view the American Revolution as a simple conflict between the United States and its former rulers from across the seas, its easy to see who stands on the moral high ground. If, on the other hand, we acknowledge the persistence of white-Indian struggles, that moral high ground is quickly surrendered. Wethe American nation that was created in the late eighteenth centurylose our definition, our purity. Our core national narrative can admit that we were not always the good guys, but please, not at the time of our birth. That remains sacred, and so we continue to push the agonizing aspects of the American saga forward or backward in time.
This is a shame. Americans, from the beginning, were both democrats and bullies. Despite the hesitancy of elites, most patriots at the time of our nations birth believed people should govern themselves, and that is why they threw off British rule. They also believed they had the right, even the obligation, to impose their will on people they deemed inferior. These two core beliefs are key to understanding American history and the American character, and we do an injustice to ourselves and to our nation when we pretend otherwise.Allen Barra. American Mythbuster: A July 4 Interview with Ray Raphael
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Patrick Henry never said, “Give me liberty or give me death!” In fact, no record exists of what he said in his powerful call to arms of March 23, 1775. And Molly Pitcher never took her husbands place at a cannon after he fell at the Battle of Monmouth. Historian Raphael dissects these and 11 other myths of the American Revolution to uncover the truth of these famous events and the significance of their conversion into myth. These tales, argues Raphael, represent 19th-century ideals of “romantic individualism” more than the communitarian ideals of the revolutionary era.
Raphael (A Peoples History of the American Revolution) continues in his populist vein by arguing that these myths, rather than encouraging patriotism and heroism, actually “take away our power,” leaving us “in awe of superhuman stars” like Washington or Jefferson and “discouraging ordinary citizens from acting on their own behalf.” This is arguable, but advocates of history as seen from below will find the authors point of view appealing. And all students of American history will find Raphaels correction of the historical record instructive and enjoyable. Illus.Publishers Weekly Adult/High School – If a high school history teacher were to ask his class when the Declaration of Independence was signed, he undoubtedly would hear a chorus call out, “July 4, 1776.” But what percentage of students, or teachers for that matter, would know that as of August 1, only John Hancock had actually signed the document? And how many would know that at least 14 men who were not even in Philadelphia on July 4 are recorded in the Congressional Journal as signing it on that well-remembered date? But sign it they did, and what does it matter what the actual date was? Raphael thoroughly delineates the creation of the fictive July 4 signing, including intentional lies and omissions in the “official” Congressional Journal.
The chief impetus behind this doctoring of history was simply to have a neat, unmistakable date for national celebration. The author goes on to expose numerous myths before, during, and after the Revolution revolving around Paul Revere’s ride, Valley Forge, Patrick Henry’s “Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death” speech, the Battle of Yorktown, and several others. In each case, Raphael outlines the myth, reveals what really happened, and, most importantly, argues why we must move past historical nonsense so that a truer, more democratic national record can emerge. Academic historians have long known these truths. Raphael deserves praise for his efforts to have that knowledge trickle down to the rest of us. Toward that end, he offers a “Note to Teachers,” including a site with grade-appropriate lesson plans.School Library Journal
posted 6 July 2007
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#1 – Justify My Thug by Wahida Clark #2 – Flyy Girl by Omar Tyree #3 – Head Bangers: An APF Sexcapade by Zane #4 – Life Is Short But Wide by J. California Cooper #5 – Stackin’ Paper 2 Genesis’ Payback by Joy King #6 – Thug Lovin’ (Thug 4) by Wahida Clark #7 – When I Get Where I’m Going by Cheryl Robinson #8 – Casting the First Stone by Kimberla Lawson Roby #9 – The Sex Chronicles: Shattering the Myth by Zane
#10 – Covenant: A Thriller by Brandon Massey
#11 – Diary Of A Street Diva by Ashley and JaQuavis
#12 – Don’t Ever Tell by Brandon Massey
#13 – For colored girls who have considered suicide by Ntozake Shange
#14 – For the Love of Money : A Novel by Omar Tyree
#15 – Homemade Loves by J. California Cooper
#16 – The Future Has a Past: Stories by J. California Cooper
#17 – Player Haters by Carl Weber
#18 – Purple Panties: An Eroticanoir.com Anthology by Sidney Molare
#19 – Stackin’ Paper by Joy King
#20 – Children of the Street: An Inspector Darko Dawson Mystery by Kwei Quartey
#21 – The Upper Room by Mary Monroe
#22 Thug Matrimony by Wahida Clark
#23 – Thugs And The Women Who Love Them by Wahida Clark
#24 – Married Men by Carl Weber
#25 – I Dreamt I Was in Heaven – The Rampage of the Rufus Buck Gang by Leonce Gaiter
#1 – Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention by Manning Marable #2 – Confessions of a Video Vixen by Karrine Steffans #3 – Dear G-Spot: Straight Talk About Sex and Love by Zane #4 – Letters to a Young Brother: MANifest Your Destiny by Hill Harper #5 – Peace from Broken Pieces: How to Get Through What You’re Going Through by Iyanla Vanzant #6 – Selected Writings and Speeches of Marcus Garvey by Marcus Garvey #7 – The Ebony Cookbook: A Date with a Dish by Freda DeKnight #8 – The Isis Papers: The Keys to the Colors by Frances Cress Welsing #9 – The Mis-Education of the Negro by Carter Godwin Woodson
#10 – John Henrik Clarke and the Power of Africana History by Ahati N. N. Toure
#11 – Fail Up: 20 Lessons on Building Success from Failure by Tavis Smiley
#12 –The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander
#13 – The Black Male Handbook: A Blueprint for Life by Kevin Powell
#14 – The Other Wes Moore: One Name, Two Fates by Wes Moore
#15 – Why Men Fear Marriage: The Surprising Truth Behind Why So Many Men Can’t Commit by RM Johnson
#16 – Black Titan: A.G. Gaston and the Making of a Black American Millionaire by Carol Jenkins
#17 – Brainwashed: Challenging the Myth of Black Inferiority by Tom Burrell
#18 – A New Earth: Awakening to Your Life’s Purpose by Eckhart Tolle
#19 – John Oliver Killens: A Life of Black Literary Activism by Keith Gilyard
#20 – Alain L. Locke: The Biography of a Philosopher by Leonard Harris
#21 – Age Ain’t Nothing but a Number: Black Women Explore Midlife by Carleen Brice
#22 – 2012 Guide to Literary Agents by Chuck Sambuchino #23 – Chicken Soup for the Prisoner’s Soul by Tom Lagana #24 – 101 Things Every Boy/Young Man of Color Should Know by LaMarr Darnell Shields
#25 – Beyond the Black Lady: Sexuality and the New African American Middle Class by Lisa B. Thompson
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By H. W. Brands
In Greenback Planet, acclaimed historian H. W. Brands charts the dollar’s astonishing rise to become the world’s principal currency. Telling the story with the verve of a novelist, he recounts key episodes in U.S. monetary history, from the Civil War debate over fiat money (greenbacks) to the recent worldwide financial crisis. Brands explores the dollar’s changing relations to gold and silver and to other currencies and cogently explains how America’s economic might made the dollar the fundamental standard of value in world finance. He vividly describes the 1869 Black Friday attempt to corner the gold market, banker J. P. Morgan’s bailout of the U.S. treasury, the creation of the Federal Reserve, and President Franklin Roosevelt’s handling of the bank panic of 1933. Brands shows how lessons learned (and not learned) in the Great Depression have influenced subsequent U.S. monetary policy, and how the dollar’s dominance helped transform economies in countries ranging from Germany and Japan after World War II to Russia and China today. He concludes with a sobering dissection of the 2008 world financial debacle, which exposed the power–and the enormous risks–of the dollar’s worldwide reign. The Economy
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This book explodes several myths: that selling sex is completely different from any other kind of work, that migrants who sell sex are passive victims and that the multitude of people out to save them are without self-interest. Laura Agustín makes a passionate case against these stereotypes, arguing that the label ‘trafficked’ does not accurately describe migrants’ lives and that the ‘rescue industry’ serves to disempower them. Based on extensive research amongst both migrants who sell sex and social helpers, Sex at the Margins provides a radically different analysis. Frequently, says Agustin, migrants make rational choices to travel and work in the sex industry, and although they are treated like a marginalised group they form part of the dynamic global economy. Both powerful and controversial, this book is essential reading for all those who want to understand the increasingly important relationship between sex markets, migration and the desire for social justice. “Sex at the Margins rips apart distinctions between migrants, service work and sexual labour and reveals the utter complexity of the contemporary sex industry. This book is set to be a trailblazer in the study of sexuality.”Lisa Adkins, University of London
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From The World and Africa, 1965
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update 19 December 2011