ChickenBones: A Journal
for Literary & Artistic African-American Themes
a gang describing itself as the Cannibal Army had taken control of Haitis
fourth largest municipality, Gonaives. Gonaives is a city of about 60,000
in the north east of the gulf formed by the two peninsulas
Book by John Maxwell
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The Cannibal Army
By John Maxwell
My columns on Haiti have drawn more feedback than any before. Most of my respondents agree with me, as may be expected, but I have received some reasoned arguments against my position.
My position, briefly, is that Haiti is too important to the cause of Liberty and to black people all over the world for anyone to be allowed to hijack the nation for any reason whatever. Haiti must be Haitian, ruled by Haitians for Haitians.
As Lou Dobbs plaintively said of the USA this week on CNN “this is not just a market, this is a nation.”
Haiti needs help, to constitute itself into the dream of all those who fought and won Haitian independence, for those inspired by Haiti to throw off the chains of imperial Europe, for all those who understand the significance of slaves freeing themselves, a feat never before accomplished in human history.
Haiti needs help just to survive.
This week, US Congresswoman Maxine Walters denounced those who said Haiti had nothing to celebrate in this bicentennial year. We must understand that this nothing to celebrate talk is consistent with the long-standing attitudes of those who never supported the Haitian people, and never wanted Haiti to be owned by Africans. It is consistent with those who have always had their hands deep in the Haitian economy, and who are determined to deny the Haitian people pride in themselves and pride in their spectacular history.
An International crime-scene
One of the people from whom I got feedback suggested that President Aristide is a rightist authoritarian who appeared to be behind an orchestrated campaign which included the brutal repression’ of the student movement by gangs paid for and organized by the Aristide government. He suggests that I should go to Haiti to see for myself that what he says is true.
On the other hand I have got letters from people, including an expatriate civil rights lawyer working in Haiti for several years. He wrote Your recent column was one of the most lucid and perceptive accounts I have seen. Keep up the good work, Haiti’s poor need (and have always needed) more people like you.
Another of my correspondents eloquently described Haiti as an ‘international crime scene’, a nation hijacked and sequestered from its freedom by forces outside of its control.
I have received responses from people inside and outside of Haiti, residents, citizens and non-citizens, from journalists and others, most of whom feel that the present situation in Haiti has been engineered to curtail Haitian freedom, and to deny the ordinary Haitian the chance to become a free citizen of the world.
On Friday, the news agencies announced that a gang describing itself as the Cannibal Army had taken control of Haitis fourth largest municipality, Gonaives. Gonaives is a city of about 60,000 in the north east of the gulf formed by the two peninsulas which stretch out towards Cuba. Gonaives is significant for two reasons: first is that it is the site where Haitian Independence was proclaimed 200 years ago; second, it is the site of a murder which Aristides enemies attribute to forces controlled by Aristide.
According to the anti-Aristide forces, a former Aristide supporter named Amiot Metayer was murdered by Aristide forces because he had turned against Aristide. Metayer was a popular hero, an Aristide strongman who had been serving time in prison. He was also the leader of the Cannibal Army gang. A jail-break by forces still unidentified released Metayer and several other people. Metayer was shortly afterwards murdered.
The pro-Aristide forces maintain, however, that the springing of Metayer from jail was a cover for the freeing of a number of anti-Aristide gangsters, members of the FRAPH a right-wing terrorist force allied to the Cedras dictatorship. According to the pro-Aristide side, Thursdays capture of Gonaives by the Cannibale Armee completed the second part of a plot to free the FRAPH gunmen remaining in prison after the prison break which freed Metayer.
Intransigence and Obfuscation
I do not pretend to be an authority on Haiti and particularly not on what is happening on its streets at this moment. It should be clear, however, to anyone who has followed whats been reported about Haiti over the past few years that the Haitian Opposition is a collection of people who do not appear to care what damage they do to Haiti as long as they get their way. In the 1970s the Jamaica Labour Party behaved in somewhat the same fashion but never went as far as saying that it did not recognise the government or in attempting to set up a parallel administration, in say, May Pen.
Three years ago on February 7, 2001 on the eve of the second inauguration of Jean Bertrand Aristide as President of Haiti, the opposition coalition announced that it was forming an alternative government. The coalition, calling itself the Democratic Convergence, announced that it had selected a President, Geffrard Gourgue, a law professor who had in 1987 been briefly part of the junta which succeeded Jean Claude Duvalier.
At that time the government (of President Rene Preval) and the Opposition had been negotiating about various differences between them, mainly to do with the disputed elections of seven senators Essentially, the dispute was about a technicality.
The Opposition had first proposed installing a provisional government, then a three member junta and finally what it called a Government of National Consensus. To them, Aristide was simply unacceptable, despite his getting legitimately 67% of the votes cast.
The Aristide Fanmi Lavalas ( Lavalas Family Lavalas meaning Landslide, Avalanche or Cloudburst) rejected the oppositions demands as unconstitutional.
Congresswoman Maxine Walters believes that the opposition in Haiti is trying to foment a coup detat.
They claim that they are staging peaceful protests, but that is not what they are actually doing. It is my impression that the opposition, led by Andy Apaid, is simply involved in a power grab. They want to place a council of their choosing in charge of the government and the country, instead of accepting the will of the people and respecting Haitis democratically elected president.
And they want to make sure that the governing council represents only their interests as members of Haitis bourgeoisie. They want their group, ‘the elite’, to totally control Haiti. The oppositions protests are becoming increasingly violent and the United States Government, my government, is not providing the required leadership. It is not meeting its responsibility to help de-escalate the crisis in Haiti. The situation there is serious.
The Congresswoman wants the US to ‘get tough’, with the Haitian Opposition.
In all the negotiations over the years the Opposition has simply refused to have any dealings with the countrys lawfully elected President Aristide who has a much better title to his office than President George Bush.
The leader of this Opposition, André Apaid, is a millionaire businessman of Middle Eastern extraction whose family has been in Haiti for decades. He is the leader of the elites, the unreconstructed class of light-skinned and white Haitians who have never forgiven the blacks for defeating France, Spain, and Britain on their way to independence. They were extreme racists 200 years ago, and some of them still are today, although one imagines that like the elites in Jamaica, many would have accommodated themselves to reality.
Cheap Labour the only Resource?
Haiti is one of the world’s poorest countries and Dr Paul Farmer, who I mentioned last week, was reported by Tracy Kidder in the Nation (Oct 2003) as saying “ there’s no topsoil left in a lot of the country, there are no jobs, people are dying of AIDS and coughing their lungs out with TB, and the poor don’t have enough to eat. These are problems in the here and now. Something has to be done. Haiti is flat broke ”
According to some businessmen, cheap labour is Haitis only resource.
Opposition leader Apaid owns several factories of the free-zone kind maquiladoiras in which Haitians work for low wages. In 1997 the American anti-sweatshop NGO the National Labour Committee described his operation:
Alpha Sewing produces industrial gloves for Ansell Edmont of Coshocton, Ohio, which is owned by Ansell International of Lilburn, Georgia, which in turn is owned by Pacific Dunlop Ltd. of Melbourne, Australia.
Ansell Edmont boasts in its promotional literature that it is the world’s largest manufacturer of safety gloves and protective clothing, but the workers at Alpha Sewing do not have even the most basic safety protection.
They produce Ansell Edmont’s “Vinyl-Impregnated Super-Flexible STD” gloves with bare hands; Polyvinyl Chloride (PVC), the chemical that toughens the glove, also takes off layers of skin. And the dust from the production of the “Vinyl-Coated Super Comfort Seams-Rite” gloves gives many workers respiratory problems.
Hours at the plant are from 6 am to 5:30 pm, Monday through Saturday, and often from 6 am to 3:30 pm on Sunday as well — a 78-hour work week. Approximately 75% of the workers make less than the [Haitian] minimum wage.
In April, 1995, a worker who refused to work on Sunday so that he could go to church was fired. When he returned to pick up his severance pay, the manager called the UN police and reported a burglar on the premises. The UN police arrived and promptly handcuffed the worker.
After protests from the other employees, the UN police finally let the worker go. The next day, management began firing, three at a time, four at a time, all those workers who had protested the arrest.
According to the National Labour Committee
Apaid is a notorious Duvalierist. When asked at a business conference in Miami soon after the coup in 1991 what he would do if President Aristide returned to Haiti, Apaid replied vehemently, ‘I’d strangle him!’
At the time, Apaid was heading up USAID’s PROMINEX business promotion project, a $12.7 million program to encourage US. and Canadian firms to move their businesses to Haiti.
Apaid reportedly has US citizenship, having been born in the US.
It is, of course, perfectly possible that a businessman-politician who owns sweatshops is a die-hard democrat. Whatever Apaids ideology, for the Haitian Opposition to attach itself to an organisation calling itself the Cannibal Army would not seem to encourage confidence. As Congresswoman Walters asks: why cant the Haitian Opposition submit itself to elections like any other party in this democratic world? What makes them so special?
It is a question Caricom should be asking.
Copyright 2002 John Maxwell email@example.com
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For July 1st through August 31st 2011
#1 – Justify My Thug by Wahida Clark #2 – Flyy Girl by Omar Tyree #3 – Head Bangers: An APF Sexcapade by Zane #4 – Life Is Short But Wide by J. California Cooper #5 – Stackin’ Paper 2 Genesis’ Payback by Joy King #6 – Thug Lovin’ (Thug 4) by Wahida Clark #7 – When I Get Where I’m Going by Cheryl Robinson #8 – Casting the First Stone by Kimberla Lawson Roby #9 – The Sex Chronicles: Shattering the Myth by Zane
#10 – Covenant: A Thriller by Brandon Massey
#11 – Diary Of A Street Diva by Ashley and JaQuavis
#12 – Don’t Ever Tell by Brandon Massey
#13 – For colored girls who have considered suicide by Ntozake Shange
#14 – For the Love of Money : A Novel by Omar Tyree
#15 – Homemade Loves by J. California Cooper
#16 – The Future Has a Past: Stories by J. California Cooper
#17 – Player Haters by Carl Weber
#18 – Purple Panties: An Eroticanoir.com Anthology by Sidney Molare
#19 – Stackin’ Paper by Joy King
#20 – Children of the Street: An Inspector Darko Dawson Mystery by Kwei Quartey
#21 – The Upper Room by Mary Monroe
#22 Thug Matrimony by Wahida Clark
#23 – Thugs And The Women Who Love Them by Wahida Clark
#24 – Married Men by Carl Weber
#25 – I Dreamt I Was in Heaven – The Rampage of the Rufus Buck Gang by Leonce Gaiter
#1 – Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention by Manning Marable #2 – Confessions of a Video Vixen by Karrine Steffans #3 – Dear G-Spot: Straight Talk About Sex and Love by Zane #4 – Letters to a Young Brother: MANifest Your Destiny by Hill Harper #5 – Peace from Broken Pieces: How to Get Through What You’re Going Through by Iyanla Vanzant #6 – Selected Writings and Speeches of Marcus Garvey by Marcus Garvey #7 – The Ebony Cookbook: A Date with a Dish by Freda DeKnight #8 – The Isis Papers: The Keys to the Colors by Frances Cress Welsing #9 – The Mis-Education of the Negro by Carter Godwin Woodson
#10 – John Henrik Clarke and the Power of Africana History by Ahati N. N. Toure
#11 – Fail Up: 20 Lessons on Building Success from Failure by Tavis Smiley
#12 –The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander
#13 – The Black Male Handbook: A Blueprint for Life by Kevin Powell
#14 – The Other Wes Moore: One Name, Two Fates by Wes Moore
#15 – Why Men Fear Marriage: The Surprising Truth Behind Why So Many Men Can’t Commit by RM Johnson
#16 – Black Titan: A.G. Gaston and the Making of a Black American Millionaire by Carol Jenkins
#17 – Brainwashed: Challenging the Myth of Black Inferiority by Tom Burrell
#18 – A New Earth: Awakening to Your Life’s Purpose by Eckhart Tolle
#19 – John Oliver Killens: A Life of Black Literary Activism by Keith Gilyard
#20 – Alain L. Locke: The Biography of a Philosopher by Leonard Harris
#21 – Age Ain’t Nothing but a Number: Black Women Explore Midlife by Carleen Brice
#22 – 2012 Guide to Literary Agents by Chuck Sambuchino #23 – Chicken Soup for the Prisoner’s Soul by Tom Lagana #24 – 101 Things Every Boy/Young Man of Color Should Know by LaMarr Darnell Shields
#25 – Beyond the Black Lady: Sexuality and the New African American Middle Class by Lisa B. Thompson
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A Novel by Jesmyn Ward
On one level, Salvage the Bones is a simple story about a poor black family thats about to be trashed by one of the most deadly hurricanes in U.S. history. What makes the novel so powerful, though, is the way Ward winds private passions with that menace gathering force out in the Gulf of Mexico. Without a hint of pretension, in the simple lives of these poor people living among chickens and abandoned cars, she evokes the tenacious love and desperation of classical tragedy. The force that pushes back against Katrinas inexorable winds is the voice of Wards narrator, a 14-year-old girl named Esch, the only daughter among four siblings. Precocious, passionate and sensitive, she speaks almost entirely in phrases soaked in her familys raw land. Everything here is gritty, loamy and alive, as though the very soil were animated. Her brothers blood smells like wet hot earth after summer rain. . . . His scalp looks like fresh turned dirt. Her fathers hands are like gravel, while her own hand slides through his grip like a wet fish, and a handsome boys muscles jabbered like chickens. Admittedly, Ward can push so hard on this simile-obsessed style that her paragraphs risk sounding like a compost heap, but this isnt usually just metaphor for metaphors sake. She conveys something fundamental about Eschs fluid state of mind: her figurative sense of the world in which all things correspond and connect. She and her brothers live in a ramshackle house steeped in grief since their mother died giving birth to her last child. . . . What remains, whats salvaged, is something indomitable in these tough siblings, the strength of their love, the permanence of their devotion.WashingtonPost
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Wilderson, a professor, writer and filmmaker from the Midwest, presents a gripping account of his role in the downfall of South African apartheid as one of only two black Americans in the African National Congress (ANC). After marrying a South African law student, Wilderson reluctantly returns with her to South Africa in the early 1990s, where he teaches Johannesburg and Soweto students, and soon joins the military wing of the ANC. Wilderson’s stinging portrait of Nelson Mandela as a petulant elder eager to accommodate his white countrymen will jolt readers who’ve accepted the reverential treatment usually accorded him. After the assassination of Mandela’s rival, South African Communist Party leader Chris Hani, Mandela’s regime deems Wilderson’s public questions a threat to national security; soon, having lost his stomach for the cause, he returns to America. Wilderson has a distinct, powerful voice and a strong story that shuffles between the indignities of Johannesburg life and his early years in Minneapolis, the precocious child of academics who barely tolerate his emerging political consciousness. Wilderson’s observations about love within and across the color line and cultural divides are as provocative as his politics; despite some distracting digressions, this is a riveting memoir of apartheid’s last days.Publishers Weekly
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From The World and Africa, 1965
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update 26 December 2011