ChickenBones: A Journal
for Literary & Artistic African-American Themes
Although the same U.S. domination of the UN that enabled NATOs regime-
change operation will ensure that the neocolonial powers escape legal liability
for the results, the world still sees the executioners, correctly, as monsters
in league with Washington, Paris, London and Riyadh. Barack Obama
and Hillary Clinton, who gave a snarling thumbs down to Gaddafi
just days before his death, appeared like ghoulish despots
The Butchering of Gaddafi Is Americas Crime
By Glen Ford
Last week the whole world saw, and every decent soul recoiled, at the true face of NATOs answer to the Arab Spring. An elderly, helpless prisoner struggled to maintain his dignity in a screaming swirl of savages, one of whom thrusts a knife up his rectum. These are Europe and Americas jihadis in the flesh. In a few minutes of joyously recorded bestiality, the rabid pack undid every carefully packaged image of NATOs humanitarian project in North Africaa horror and revelation indelibly imprinted on the global consciousness by the brutes own cell phones.
Nearly eight months of incessant bombing by the air forces of nations that account for 70 percent of the worlds weapons spending, all culminating in the gang-bang slaughter of Moammar Gaddafi, his son Mutassim and his military chief of staff, outside Sirte. The NATO-armed bands then displayed the battered corpses for days in Misuratahe city that had earlier made good on its vow to purge Black skin through the massacre and dispersal of 30,000 darker residents of nearby Tawurghabefore disposing of the bodies in an unknown location.
The saner sections of Americas psychological operations machineryincluding their collaborators in the corporate mediawere doubtless as horrified as anyone at the Libyan jihadis insistence on revealing so graphically to the entire planet the barbaric character of the revolution. The months of gushing, ad nauseam press reports of near-universal jubilation in Tripoli and elsewhere at rebel victoriesalways under cover of NATO bombsnow made great sense. Who but those in search of instant martyrdom would voice displeasure at the NATO-jihadi triumph, with murderous fiends such as this roaming the streets?
The United Nations Human Rights Office and Amnesty International found themselves compelled to ask for investigations into Gaddafis deathas if the immediate circumstances were not excruciatingly apparent to anyone with eyes and ears. Although the same U.S. domination of the UN that enabled NATOs regime-change operation will ensure that the neocolonial powers escape legal liability for the results, the world still sees the executioners, correctly, as monsters in league with Washington, Paris, London and Riyadh. Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, who gave a snarling thumbs down to Gaddafi just days before his death, appeared like ghoulish despots at a Roman Coliseum, reveling in their Libyan gladiators butchery. Their hands and gums ooze blooda lasting impression on decent world opinion.
The assault on Libya began as a desperate bid by the West and Persian Gulf royalty to bludgeon their way into the dangerous (for them) dynamic of the Arab Spring. The rebels (now, ludicrously, the revolutionary government) are their guys, just as the Afghan mujahidin were the foot soldiers of the Saudis and Washington from 1979 through the Eighties and (for the Saudis) beyond. Here lies the certainty of catastrophic blowback. As Trinity College political scientist Vijay Prashad points out, Tripoli may soon resemble 1996 Kabul, a place of mass carnage between rival warlords.
The Libyan jihadis are far more Saudi Arabias and Qatars brethren, than the Wests. The Arab Spring has both emboldened and frightened the wealthy Persian Gulf despots, who have their own agendas in the Arab world that are not necessarily consonant with the U.S. and Europe (the same applies in Pakistan and elsewhere in the region). All reactionaries are not alike. The oil-rich monarchs are fighting to preserve legitimacy in their own, Muslim milieu, not for Western-based corporate hegemony, and will cause at least as much problems for Washington as the accommodating Gaddafi they set out to depose at the beginning of the Arab Spring.
But that is secondary. As always, U.S. imperialists cannot resist the temptation to overreach. John Pilger writes, With Libya secured, an American invasion of the African continent is under way. It is by no means certain that Libya will remain secure or under American sway. And President Obamas all-out offensive to the southnow centered in East and Central Africa, but soon to become generalizedtakes place with the cell phone imagery of Gaddafis demise fresh in the minds of tens of millions of Africans. Obama may believe the pictures send the message that resistance is futile, but it is likely to have the opposite effect. As Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez said, of the Americans, The most lamentable thing is that in their determination to dominate the world they are setting it alight.
Glen Ford BAR executive editor can be contacted at Glen.Ford@BlackAgendaReport.com
Glen Ford is a veteran journalist, executive editor of blackagendareport.com. In the late 70s, he launched Americas Black Forum, a national black news TV program, and in 87 he launched the first nationally syndicated hip-hop music show called Rap It Up. He also co-founded the weekly political journal Black Commentator in 2002. Glen Ford has been a critic of Barack Obama. Glen Ford gave very positive coverage of Cynthia McKinney, the Green Party candidate for President. Glenn Ford confessed that it was easy for even himself to get caught up in the kind of Mecca for African Americans that was this day of Inauguration for a black president Glen.Ford@BlackAgendaReport.com
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U.S.-NATO Military Intervention in Libya: A Blueprint for the Future?Shaky video recorded the gruesome end of Libyan dictator Col. Muammar Gadhafis life on Oct. 20 as he tried to escape his embattled hometown of Surte in a car convoy that was hit by a NATO airstrike. An apparently wounded Gadhafi ran from his car and sought refuge in a drainage pipe. When rebels captured him, he was beaten, humiliated and executed with a gunshot to the head. The grisly images distributed on the Internet were soon seen by millions around the world. Before being buried in an unmarked grave, Gadhafis body and that of his son Mutassim, were transported to the city of Misrata, where they were put on public display in a warehouse cold storage locker.
The loose coalition of rebels that overthrew the Gadhafi regime under pressure from the international community, announced they would conduct an investigation into Gadhafis murder. But human rights organizations such as Amnesty International have declared that the rebels have not adequately responded to a growing pattern of unchecked violence by their forces during the course of the eight-month revolution. In fact, a massacre of unknown proportions thought to be perpetrated by anti-Gadhafi militias was discovered at Surtes Mahari Hotel in the days after the city fell to rebel control.BTLonline
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Conducted by Scott Harris, Oct. 24, 2011 (25:17)
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Muammar Gaddafi: In Memoriam
By Fawzia Afzal-Khan
Facts around the achievements of his socialist policies remain similarly debatable, though reports of the Human Development Index as recently as 2009 gave Libya the highest ranking of all African countries, with a GDP that was fourth highest in the continent. Citizens had access to free health care and education and indeed, from having only one-fifth of its citizens able to read and write before he took power in 1969, at the time of his death, Gaddafis policies could boast an 83% literacy rate. His government also handed out 50,000$ to every couple on their marriage to help them secure a home, and bank loans accumulated no interest. . . .
We all believed he meant what he saidwe so wanted our leaders to stand up against the tyranny of a capitalist world order that was clearly dividing our world into one of haves and another of have-nots. And despite his descent into megalomania and crazy behavior, I d still like to believe he retained some vestiges of that early promise. Yes, he died in a manner unbefitting a hero .but then, he had ceased being that to many in his country. But to others, both within Libya and elsewhere, he encapsulated the image of the resistance fighter, lobbing ill-advised and even insane comments and braggadocio at his militarily superior enemies, someone who some of the time at least, spoke truth to power. And perhaps for that, he paid the price.Counterpunch
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Libya War Lies Worse Than IraqThomas C. Mountain23 July 2011Asmara, Eritrea: The lies used to justify the NATO war against Libya have surpassed those created to justify the invasion of Iraq. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch both had honest observers on the ground for months following the rebellion in eastern Libya and both have repudiated every major charge used to justify the NATO war on Libya. According to the Amnesty observer, who is fluent in Arabic, there is not one confirmed instance of rape by the pro-Gadaffi fighters, not even a doctor who knew of one. All the Viagra mass rape stories were fabrications. Amnesty could not verify a single African mercenary fighting for Gaddafi story, and the highly charged international satellite television accounts of African mercenaries raping women that were used to panic much of the eastern Libyan population into fleeing their homes were fabrications. There were no confirmed accounts of helicopter gun ships attacking civilians and no jet fighters bombing people which completely invalidates any justification for the No-Fly Zone in Security Council resolution used as an excuse for NATO to launch its attacks on Libya. After three months on the ground in rebel controlled territory, the Amnesty investigator could only confirm 110 deaths in Benghazi which included Gadaffi supporters. Only 110 dead in Benghazi? Wait a minute, we were told thousands had died there, ten thousand even. No, only 110 lost their lives including pro-government people.No rapes, no African mercenaries, no helicopter gun ships or bombers, and only 110 ten deaths prior to the launch of the NATO bombing campaign, every reason was based on a lie.Today according to the Libyan Red Crescent Society, over 1,100 civilians have been killed by NATO bombs including over 400 women and children. Over 6,000 Libyan civilians have been injured or wounded by the bombing, many very seriously.InformationClearinghouse
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Qaddafi, From Beginning to End
By Vijay Prashad
21-23 October 2011
Qaddafi is dead. As the euphoria dies down, it might be important to recall that we are dealing with at least two Qaddafis. The first Qaddafi overthrew a lazy and corrupt monarchy in 1969, and proceeded to transform Libya along a fairly straightforward national development path. There were idiosyncrasies, such as Qaddafis ideas about democracy that never really produced institutions of any value. Qaddafi had the unique ability to centralize power in the name of de-centralization. Nevertheless, in the national liberation Qaddafi certainly turned over large sections of the national surplus to improve the well-being of the Libyan people. It is because of two decades of such policies that the Libyan people entered the 21st century with high human development indicators. Oil helped, but there are oil nations (such as Nigeria) where the people languish in terms of their access to social goods and to social development.
By 1988, the first Qaddafi morphed into the second Qaddafi, who set aside his anti-imperialism for collaboration with imperialism, and who dismissed the national development path for neo-liberal privatization (I tell this story in Arab Spring, Libyan Winter, which will be published by AK Press in the Spring of 2012). This second Qaddafi squandered the pursuit of well-being, and so took away the one aspect of his governance that the people supported. From the 1990s onward, Qaddafis regime offered the masses the illusion of social wealth and the illusion of democracy. They wanted more, and that is the reason for the long process of unrest that begins in the early 1990s (alongside the Algerian Civil War), comes to a head in 1995-96 and then again in 2006. It has been a long slog for the various rebellious elements to find themselves.
The new leadership of Tripoli was incubated inside the Qaddafi regime. His son, Saif al-Islam was the chief neoliberal reformer, and he surrounded himself with people who wanted to turn Libya into a larger Dubai. They went to work around 2006, but were disillusioned by the rate of progress, and many (including Mahmud Jibril, the current Prime Minister) had threatened to resign on several occasions. When an insurengy began in Benghazi, this clique hastened to join them, and by March had taken hold of the leadership of the rebellion. It remains in their hands. . . .
The manner of Qaddafis death is a synecdoche for the entire war. NATOs bombs stopped the convoy, and without them Qaddafi would probably have fled to his next redoubt. The rebellion might have succeeded without NATO. But with NATO, certain political options had to be foreclosed; NATOs member states are in line now to claim their reward. However, they are too polite in a liberal European way to actually state their claim publically in a quid-pro-quo fashion. Hence, they say things like: this is a Libyan war, and that Libya must decide what it must do. This is properly the space into which those sections in the new Libyan power structure that still value sovereignty must assert themselves. The window for that assertion is going to close soon, as the deals get inked that lock Libyas resources and autonomy into the agenda of the NATO.
Vijay Prashad is the George and Martha Kellner Chair of South Asian History and Director of International Studies at Trinity College, Hartford, CT His most recent book, The Darker Nations: A Peoples History of the Third World, won the Muzaffar Ahmad Book Prize for 2009. The Swedish and French editions are just out. He can be reached at: email@example.com / Vijay PrashadThe Darker Nations, Part 1 / Vijay PrashadThe Darker Nations, Part 2 / Vijay Prasad on Obama’s Middle East Policies
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Libya: White Flag War Crime & Working With Al-Qaeda
26 October 2011
To ignore the white flag of surrender, the white flag of truce, I think is a major, major war crime and one that NATO will try to cover up with all of its resources because every one recognizes that that is way beyond the pale when it comes to a war crime; failing to recognize the white flag of truce.Wayne Madsen (Investigative Journalist) According to Madsens sources, Gadhafi was another victim in an assassination plot, telling Aaron Dykes, of Infowars.com, that I do believe that the CIA, now, was involved in allowing Gadhafi to be executed (Infowars: 10/24/11 ). Kurt Nimmo writes that The use of white flags to signal surrender is an ancient tradition going back to the Eastern Han dynasty in China and the Roman Empire. Violating the widely accept convention is considered an act of extreme treachery.
Officials deny that Gadhafi was trying to surrender. According to Nimmos report, Madsens sources claim that Gaddafi was told to surrender to the al-Qaeda rebels besieging Sirte before morning prayers at 5 am, but that it was decided to surrender after the sun was well up in the sky so the white flags would be clearly visible. Alex Jones and Wayne Madsen have both brought up the point that if Gadhafi was trying to escape, as the officials state, the ousted leader of Libya would have done so at night, not during the day, where Predator drones could spot Gadhafi and take him out. Though a Drone did wound Gadhafi, its reported that the leader was taken alive by rebel forces on the ground. Like the Osama death the official story ahs changed many times.WeAreChangeTV
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Hillary Clinton knew of Qaddafi White Flag truce: US drone fired at Qaddafi convoy after negotiated truce?Daya GamageAsian Tribune Foreign News Desk26 October 2011AsiantribuneLibyan Leader Muammar Qaddafi was traveling under a negotiated White Flag truce last Thursday in an agreement to leave Libya. More claims from sources inside Misrata, Libya that the Libyan National Transitional Council did in fact agree to allow Qaddafi and his convoy safe passage out of Libya. In addition rebel sources in Misrata claim US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was informed of the White Flag truce negotiated and agreed to by Libyas NTC while visiting Libya Wednesday October 19. . . . The question today is: Was Secretary Clinton told of the White Flag truce giving Qaddafi safe passage out of Libya? Did Secretary Clinton use this information to prepare a US Drone attack on Qaddafis White Flag convoy? Who authorized the US Predator Drone strike on the White Flag convoy? Will Barack Obama be called to answer for the US firing on a White Flag convoy? . . . While Obama stated back in the spring that the UN Resolution did not call for nor allow the targeting of Qaddafi, and stating the US would not target Qaddafi, last Thursday he referred to the capture & murder of Qaddafi as we have done what we went in to do. The claims that a truce was negotiated to allow Qaddafi to leave the country raise some serious questions as to what role Secretary of State Hillary Clinton played in the agreement. It also raises the question did Hillary Clinton and the Obama Administration knowingly authorize a US Drone strike on a convoy traveling under a White Flag truce? If so, the Site raises, both Clinton and Obama should immediately be charged with war crimes and accessory to murder. . . . The White Flag issue is sure to dominate the political talk here in the United States and among global rights organizations, Asian Tribune understands.InformationClearinghouse
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The Rule of Law and the Extrajudicial Killing of Muammar GaddafiCurtis DoebblerThe willful killing or summary execution of a prisoner of war who is no longer participating in an armed conflict is a grave breach of the Third Geneva Convention on Prisoners of War of 1949, to which both France and the US are parties. It makes no difference how much one dislikes the particular prisoner of war. The resulting obligation for all parties to this treaty is that they investigate, arrest, and punish the perpetrators of such crimes.
Of course, the Third Geneva Convention applies mainly during international armed conflicts. The armed conflict in Libya, however, had undoubtedly become international once NATO intervened. It makes no difference in this classification that the intervention was based on a UN Security Council resolution. Indeed, international humanitarian law applies to any international armed conflict, even an illegal one. If one of the domestic parties to a non-international armed conflict becomes an ally of a foreign power and commences fighting against its own people as NATO-led rebels, these rebels could be under enough control from foreign powers so as to make the foreign powers responsible for their acts.
There is evidence that this was the case when Gaddafi was killed. More would have to be known, but the mere fact that Gaddafi’s convoy was first attacked by foreign air power and then by ground forces that, according to some reports, included foreign troops is quite telling evidence. Moreover, if as it looks, Gaddafi was fleeing Sirte, it would appear that he was attacked not as a threat to any civilians in Libya, the remit of the use of force provided by the UN Security Council resolution, but either as part of an indiscriminate attack or one aimed at killing people fleeing from an armed conflict. In either case, it would be a use of force against the political independence and territorial integrity of Libya, especially given the fact that the NATO-led rebels had expressly stated they do not form a new government of Libya. Such an attack, as had been going on for months, constitutes the crime of aggression. Such an attack, outside the remit of the mandate of the UN Security Council, which itself is bound by international law, also constitutes a serious violation of one of the most fundamental principles of international law prohibiting the use of force.Jurist
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Libya and the Big Lie: Using Human Rights Organizations to Launch WarsMahdi Darius Nazemroaya29 September 2011The war against Libya is built on fraud. The United Nations Security Council passed two resolutions against Libya on the basis of unproven claims, specifically that Colonel Muammar Qaddafi was killing his own people in Benghazi and Libya. The claim in its exact form was that Qaddafi had ordered Libyan forces to kill 6,000 people in Benghazi as well as in other parts of the country. These claims were widely disseminated, but always vaguely explained. It was on the basis of this claim that Libya was referred to the U.N. Security Council at U.N. Headquarters in New York City and kicked out of the U.N. Human Rights Council in Geneva. False claims about African mercenary armies in Libya and about jet attacks on civilians were also used in a broad media campaign against Libya. These two claims have been sidelined and have become more and more murky. The massacre claims, however, were used in a legal, diplomatic, and military framework to justify NATOs war on Libya.
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US and NATO Murder Muammar GaddafiBill Van Auken24 October 2011The savage killing Thursday of deposed Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi served to underscore the criminal character of the war that has been prosecuted by the US and NATO over the past eight months. The assassination follows NATOs more than month-long siege of Sirte, the Libyan coastal city that was Gaddafis hometown and a center of his support. The assault on this city of 100,000 left virtually every building smashed, with untold numbers of civilians dead, wounded and stricken by disease, as they were deprived of food, water, medical care and other basic necessities.
Gaddafi was apparently traveling in a convoy of vehicles attempting to break out of the siege after the last bastion of resistance had fallen to the NATO-backed rebels. NATO warplanes attacked the convoy at 8:30 a.m. Thursday morning, leaving a number of vehicles in flames and preventing it from moving forward. Then the armed anti-Gaddafi militias moved in for the kill. The death of Gaddafi appears to have been part of a larger massacre that has reportedly claimed the lives of a number of his top aides, loyalist fighters and his two sons, Motassim and Saif al-Islam. . . .
Gaddafis body was then taken west to the city of Misrata, where it was reportedly dragged through the streets before being deposited in a mosque. The fate of the body is politically significant in that it was seized by a Misrata militia faction that is operating under its own command and has no loyalty to the Benghazi-based National Transitional Council (NTC), which Washington and NATO have anointed as the sole legitimate representative of the Libyan people. Thus this grisly event, which President Barack Obama hailed in the White House Rose Garden Thursday as the advent of a new and democratic Libya, in reality only exposes the regional and tribal fault lines that are setting the stage for a protracted period of civil war. . . Just two days before the murder of Gaddafi, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton staged an unannounced visit to Tripoli on a heavily armed military aircraft. While there, she issued a demand that Gaddafi be brought in dead or alive.
As the Associated Press reported, Clinton declared in unusually blunt terms that the United States would like to see former dictator Muammar Gaddafi dead. We hope he can be captured or killed soon so that you dont have to fear him any longer, Clinton told students and others at a town hall-style gathering in the capital city. The AP went on to note: Until now, the US has generally avoided saying that Gaddafi should be killed. Yet in reality, Washington is pursuing an unconcealed policy of state murder. In this case, it has openly advocated and provided every resource to facilitate the killing of a head of state with whom the US government had established close political and commercial relations over the course of the last eight years.
The battered corpse of Gaddafis son Motassim, who was also captured alive and then executed, was put on display in Misrata. As recently as April 2009 he was warmly welcomed to the US State Department by Hillary Clinton. In his Rose Garden speech Thursday, Obama boasted of his administration having taken out Al Qaeda leaders, sounding for the all world like a Mafia don, minus the charm. Among his most recent victims are two US citizens, Anwar Awlaki, the Arizona-born Yemeni-American Muslim cleric, last month and, two weeks later, his 16-year-old son Abdulrahman, who was born in Denver. Both had been placed on a kill list by a secret National Security Council subcommittee and murdered with Hellfire missiles. Abdulrahman was blown to bits along with his 17-year-old cousin and seven other friends as they ate dinner.
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Cosatu condemns Gaddafi pictures21 October 2011The Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu) on Friday condemned the way media around the world were broadcasting and publishing images of slain Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi’s body. “This triumphalism is an example of imperialist barbarism at its worst,” Cosatu spokesman Patrick Craven said in a statement on Friday. The only force which has the right to overthrow his dictatorial regime is the Libyan people and not the military might of imperialist powers whose sole concern is to safeguard and promote their economic interests in this oil-rich country,” Craven said.
He said Gaddafi should have been charged in the International Court of Justice and not executed in a manner that resembled “cold-blooded murder”. Gaddafi was shot dead in his hometown of Sirte on Thursday. As news of his death spread, images of the 69-year-old former leader’s bloodied body were broadcast across the globe. Gaddafi is the first leader to be killed in the Arab Spring uprisings that began in the Middle East last year.
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For 40 years, or was it longer, I . . . cant remember, I did all I could to give people houses, hospitals, schools, and when they were hungry, I gave them food, I even made Benghazi into farmland from the desert, I stood up to attacks from that cowboy Reagan, when he killed my adopted orphaned daughter, he was trying to kill me, instead he killed that poor innocent child, then I helped my brothers and sisters from Africa with money for the African Union, did all I could to help people understand the concept of real democracy, where peoples committees ran our country.
But that was never enough, as some told me, even people who had 10-room homes, new suits and furniture, were never satisfied, as selfish as they were they wanted more, and they told Americans and other visitors, they needed democracy and freedom, never realizing it was a cut throat system, where the biggest dog eats the rest, but they were enchanted with those words, never realizing that in America, there was no free medicine, no free hospitals, no free housing, no free education and no free food, except when people had to beg or go to long lines to get soup, no, no matter what I did, it was never enough for some.
But for others, they knew I was the son of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the only true Arab and Muslim leader weve had since Salah a Deen, when he claimed the Suez Canal for his people, as I claimed Libya, for my people, it was his footsteps I tried to follow, to keep my people free from colonial dominationfrom thieves who would steal from us.
Now, I am under attack by the biggest force in military history, my little African son, Obama wants to kill me, to take away the freedom of our country, to take away our free housing, our free medicine, our free education, our free food, and replace it with American style thievery, called capitalism. But all of us in the Third World know what that means, it means corporations run the countries, run the world, and the people suffer, so there is no alternative for me, I must make my stand, and if Allah wishes, I shall die by following his path, the path that has made our country rich with farmland, with food and health, and even allowed us to help our African and Arab brothers and sisters to work here with us, in the Libyan Jammohouriyah, I do not wish to die, but if it comes to that, to save this land, my people, all the thousands who are all my children, then so be it.
Let this testament be my voice to the world, that I stood up to crusader attacks of NATO, stood up to cruelty, stood up to betrayal, stood up the West and its colonialist ambitions, and that I stood with my African brothers, my true Arab and Muslim brothers, as a beacon of light, when others were building castles, I lived in a modest house, and in a tent, I never forgot my youth in Sirte, I did not spend our national treasury foolishly, and like Salahadeen, our great Muslim leader, who rescued Jerusalem for Islam, I took little for myself.
In the West, some have called me mad, crazy, but they know the truth but continue to lie, they know that our land is independent and free, not in the colonial grip, that my vision, my path, is, and has been clear and for my people and that I will fight to my last breath to keep us free, may Allah almighty help us to remain faithful and free.
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Last Will and Testament
By Muammar Gaddafi
This is my will. I, Muammar bin Mohammad bin Abdussalam bi Humayd bin Abu Manyar bin Humayd bin Nayil al Fuhsi Gaddafi, do swear that there is no other God but Allah and that Mohammad is God’s Prophet, peace be upon him. I pledge that I will die as Muslim. Should I be killed, I would like to be buried, according to Muslim rituals, in the clothes I was wearing at the time of my death and my body unwashed, in the cemetery of Sirte, next to my family and relatives.
I would like that my family, especially women and children, be treated well after my death. The Libyan people should protect its identity, achievements, history and the honorable image of its ancestors and heroes. The Libyan people should not relinquish the sacrifices of the free and best people. I call upon my supporters to continue the resistance, and fight any foreign aggressor against Libya, today, tomorrow and always. Let the free people of the world know that we could have bargained over and sold out our cause in return for a personal secure and stable life.
We received many offers to this effect but we chose to be at the vanguard of the confrontation as a badge of duty and honour. Even of we do not win immediately, we will give a lesson to future generations that choosing to protect the nation is an honour and selling it out is the greatest betrayal that history will remember forever despite the attempts of others to tell you otherwise.NewZimbabwe
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By Mary L. Dudziak
Thurgood Marshall became a living icon of civil rights when he argued Brown v. Board of Education before the Supreme Court in 1954. Six years later, he was at a crossroads. A rising generation of activists were making sit-ins and demonstrations rather than lawsuits the hallmark of the civil rights movement. What role, he wondered, could he now play? When in 1960 Kenyan independence leaders asked him to help write their constitution, Marshall threw himself into their cause. Here was a new arena in which law might serve as the tool with which to forge a just society. In Exporting American Dreams Mary Dudziak recounts with poignancy and power the untold story of Marshall’s journey to Africa
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By Melissa V. Harris-Perry
According to the author, this society has historically exerted considerable pressure on black females to fit into one of a handful of stereotypes, primarily, the Mammy, the Matriarch or the Jezebel. The selfless Mammys behavior is marked by a slavish devotion to white folks domestic concerns, often at the expense of those of her own familys needs. By contrast, the relatively-hedonistic Jezebel is a sexually-insatiable temptress. And the Matriarch is generally thought of as an emasculating figure who denigrates black men, ala the characters Sapphire and Aunt Esther on the television shows Amos and Andy and Sanford and Son, respectively.
Professor Perry points out how the propagation of these harmful myths have served the mainstream culture well. For instance, the Mammy suggests that it is almost second nature for black females to feel a maternal instinct towards Caucasian babies.
As for the source of the Jezebel, black women had no control over their own bodies during slavery given that they were being auctioned off and bred to maximize profits. Nonetheless, it was in the interest of plantation owners to propagate the lie that sisters were sluts inclined to mate indiscriminately.
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This book explodes several myths: that selling sex is completely different from any other kind of work, that migrants who sell sex are passive victims and that the multitude of people out to save them are without self-interest. Laura Agustín makes a passionate case against these stereotypes, arguing that the label ‘trafficked’ does not accurately describe migrants’ lives and that the ‘rescue industry’ serves to disempower them. Based on extensive research amongst both migrants who sell sex and social helpers, Sex at the Margins provides a radically different analysis. Frequently, says Agustin, migrants make rational choices to travel and work in the sex industry, and although they are treated like a marginalised group they form part of the dynamic global economy. Both powerful and controversial, this book is essential reading for all those who want to understand the increasingly important relationship between sex markets, migration and the desire for social justice.
“Sex at the Margins rips apart distinctions between migrants, service work and sexual labour and reveals the utter complexity of the contemporary sex industry. This book is set to be a trailblazer in the study of sexuality.”Lisa Adkins, University of London
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Edited by Lungisile Ntsebeza and Ruth Hall
The editors, Lungisile Ntsebeza and Ruth Hall, have brought together a useful and interesting collection of papers presented at a 2004 conference in Cape Town about the land question in South Africa, a central and still highly controversial problem, as the divergent views within this book demonstrate. Readers of this volume will get both a sampling of some of the main analytical approaches to the land question as well as a sense of the direction in which the different positions lead, especially concerning the impasse of large-scale land redistribution and transformation of the rural economy in South Africa. . . . The content and scope of the discussion in this book as a whole manages for the most part to get beyond the state-market continuum that tends to dominate much of the debate today.
The editors’ cautionary note about the dangers of a technicist approach evident at the 2005 National Land Summit is well taken, and they, along with several authors, stress that the resolution of the land question is essentially a political process.H-Net Reviews
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By Mariahadessa Ekere Tallie
Somebody has to tell the truth sometime, whatever that truth may be. In this, her début full collection, Mariahadessa Ekere Tallie offers up a body of work that bears its scars proudly, firm in the knowledge that each is evidence of a wound survived. These are songs of life in all its violent difficulty and beauty; songs of fury, songs of love. ‘Karma’s Footsteps’ brims with things that must be said and turns the volume up, loud, giving silence its last rites. “Ekere Tallie’s new work ‘Karma’s Footsteps’ is as fierce with fight songs as it is with love songs. Searing with truths from the modern day world she is unafraid of the twelve foot waves that such honesties always manifest. A poet who “refuses to tiptoe” she enters and exits the page sometimes with short concise imagery, sometimes in the arms of delicate memoir. Her words pull the forgotten among us back into the lightning of our eyes.Nikky Finney / Ekere Tallie Table
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By Wole Soyinka
Aké: The Years of Childhood is a memoir of stunning beauty, humor, and perception
a lyrical account of one boy’s attempt to grasp the often irrational and hypocritical world of adults that equally repels and seduces him. Soyinka elevates brief anecdotes into history lessons, conversations into morality plays, memories into awakenings. Various cultures, religions, and languages mingled freely in the Aké of his youth, fostering endless contradictions and personalized hybrids, particularly when it comes to religion. Christian teachings, the wisdom of the ogboni, or ruling elders, and the power of ancestral spirits
who alternately terrify and inspire him
all carried equal metaphysical weight. Surrounded by such a collage, he notes that “God had a habit of either not answering one’s prayers at all, or answering them in a way that was not straightforward.” In writing from a child’s perspective, Soyinka expresses youthful idealism and unfiltered honesty while escaping the adult snares of cynicism and intolerance. His stinging indictment of colonialism takes on added power owing to the elegance of his attack.
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From The World and Africa, 1965
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posted 27 October 2011