Then political problems rose to plague me. Ross, whose life I had tried to write, was charged
by the Communist Party with anti-leadership tendencies, class collaborationist attitudes,
and ideological factionalism phrases so fanciful that I gaped when I heard them.
Books by Richard Wright
* * * * *
I Tried to Be a Communist
By Richard Wright
Richard Wright is an American Negro whose schooling carried him through the grammar grade and who has been educating himself ever since. His novel, Native Son, which was widely discussed in the year of its publication (1940), and his forthcoming autobiography, which appear later this year, proclaim him as one of the most forthright and eloquent authors of his race. This is the first of two installments.
One Thursday night I received an invitation from a group of white boys I had known when I was working in the post office to meet in one of Chicagos South Side hotels and argue the state of the world. About ten of us gathered, and ate salami sandwiches, drank beer, and talked. I was amazed to discover that many of them had joined the Communist Party. I challenged them by reciting the antics of the Negro Communists I had seen in the parks, and I was told that those antics were all right. I was dubious.
Then one Thursday night Sol, a Jewish chap, startled us by announcing that he had had a short story accepted by a little magazine called the Anvil, edited by Jack Conroy, and that he had joined a revolutionary artist organization, the John Reed Club. Sol repeatedly begged me to attend the meeting of the club.
Youd like them, Sol said.
I dont want to be organized, I said.
They can help you to write, he said.
Nobody can tell me how or what to write, I said.
Come and see, he urged. What have you to lose?
I felt that Communists could not possibly have a sincere interest in Negroes. I was cynical and I would rather have heard a white man say that he hated Negroes, which I could have readily believed, that to have heard him say that he respected Negroes, which would have made me doubt him.
One Saturday night, bored with reading, I decided to appear at the John Reed Club in the capacity of an amused spectator. I rode to the Loop and found the number. A dark stairway led upwards; it did not look welcoming. What on earth of importance could happen in so dingy a place? Through the windows above me I saw vague murals along the walls. I mounted the stairs to a door that was lettered: The Chicago John Reed Club.
I opened it and stepped into the strangest room I had ever seen. Paper and cigarette butts lay on the floor. A few benches ran along the walls, above which were vivid colors depicting colossal figures of workers carrying streaming banners. The mouths of the workers gaped in wild cries; their legs were sprawled over cities.
I turned and saw a white man smiling at me.
“A friend of mine, whos a member of this club, asked me to visit here. His name is Sol , I told him.
Youre welcome here, the white man said. Were not having an affair tonight. Were holding an editorial meeting. Do you paint? He was slightly gray and he had a mustache.
No, I said. I try to write.
Then sit on the editorial meeting of our magazine, Left Front, he suggested.
I know nothing of editing, I said.
You can learn, he said.
I stared at him, doubting.
I dont want to be in the way here, I said.
My names Grimm, he said.
I told him my name and we shook hands. He went to a closet and returned with an armful of magazines.
Here are some back issues of the Masses, he said. Have you ever read it?
No, I said.
.Some of the best writers in America publish in it, he explained. He also gave me copies of a magazine called International Literature. Theres stuff here from Gide, Gorky
I assured him that I would read them. He took me to an office and introduced me to a Jewish boy who was to become one of the nations leading painters, to a chap who was to become one of the eminent composers of his day, to a writer who was to create some of the best novels of his generation, to a young Jewish boy who was destined to film the Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia. I was meeting men and women whom I should know for decades to come, who were to form the first sustained relationships in my life.
I sat in a corner and listened while they discussed their magazine, Left Front. Were they treating me courteously because I was a Negro? I must let cold reason guide me with these people, I told myself. I was asked to contribute something to the magazine, and I said vaguely that I would consider it. After the meeting I met an Irish girl who worked for an adverting agency, a girl who did social work, a schoolteacher, and the wife of a prominent university professor. I had once worked as a servant for people like these and I was skeptical. I tried to fathom their motives, but I could detect no condescension in them.
I went home full of reflection, probing the sincerity of the strange white people, I had met, wondering how they really regarded Negroes. I lay on my bed and read the magazines and was amazed to find that there did exist in this world an organized search for the truth of the lives of the oppressed and the isolated. When I had begged bread from the officials, I had wondered dimly if the outcasts could become united in action, thought, and feeling. Now I knew. It was being done in one sixth of the earth already. The revolutionary words leaped from the printed page and struck me with tremendous force.
It was not the economics of Communism, nor the great power of trade unions, nor the excitement of underground politics that claimed me; my attention was caught by the similarity of the experiences of workers in other lands, by the possibility of uniting scattered but kindred peoples into a whole. It seemed to me that here at last, in the realm of revolutionary expression, Negro experience could find a home, a functioning value and role. Out of the magazines I read came a passionate call for the experiences of the disinherited, and there were none of the lame lispings of the missionary in it. It did not say: Be like us and we like you, maybe. It said: If you possess enough courage to speak out what you are, you will find that you are not alone. It urged life to believe in life.
I read into the night; then, toward dawn, I swung from bed and inserted paper into the typewriter. Feeling for the first time that I could speak to listening ears, I wrote a wild, crude poem in free verse, coining images of black hands playing, working, holding bayonets, stiffening finally in death. I felt that in a clumsy way it linked white life with black, merged two streams of common experience.
I heard someone poking about the kitchen.
Richard, are you ill? my mother called.
No. Im reading.
My mother opened the door and stared curiously at the pile of magazines that lay upon my pillow.
Youre not throwing away money buying those magazines, are you? she asked.
No. They were given to me.
She hobbled to the bed on her crippled legs and picked up a copy of the Masses that carried a lurid May Day cartoon. She adjusted her glasses and peered at it for a long time.
My God in heaven, she breathed in horror.
Whats the matter, Mama?
What is this? she asked, extending the magazine to me, pointing to the cover. Whats wrong with that man?
With my mother standing at my side, lending me her eyes, I stared at a cartoon drawn by a Communist artist; it was the figure of a worker clad in ragged overalls and holding aloft a red banner. The mans eyes bulged; his mouth gaped as wide as his face; his teeth showed; the muscles of his neck were like ropes. Following the man was a horde of nondescript men, women, and children, waving clubs, stones, and pitchforks.
What are those people going to do? my mother asked.
I dont know, I hedged.
Are these Communist magazines?
And do they want people to act like this?
Well I hesitated.
My mothers face showed disgust and moral loathing. She was a gentle woman. Her ideal was Christ upon the cross. How could I tell her that the Communist Party wanted her to march in the streets, chanting, singing?
What do Communists think people are? she asked.
They dont quite mean what you see there, I said, fumbling with my words.
Then what do they mean?
This is symbolic, I said.
Then why dont they speak out what they mean?
Maybe they dont know how.
Then why do they print this stuff?
They dont quite know how to appeal to people yet, I admitted, wondering whom I could convince of this if I could not convince my mother.
That pictures enough to drive a body crazy, she said, dropping the magazine, turning to leave, then pausing at the door. Youre not getting mixed up with those people?
Im just reading, Mama, I dodged.
My mother left and I brooded upon the fact that I had not been able to meet her simple challenge. I looked again at the cover of the Masses and I knew that the wild cartoon did not reflect the passions of the common people. I reread the magazine and was convinced that much of the expression embodied what the artists thought would appeal to others, what they thought would gain recruits. They had a program, an ideal, but they had not yet found a language.
Here, then, was something that I could do, reveal, say. The Communists, I felt, had oversimplified the experience of those whom they sought to lead. In their efforts to recruit masses, they had missed the meaning of the lives of the masses, had conceived of people in too abstract a manner. I would try to put some of that meaning back. I would tell Communists how common people felt, and I would tell common people of the self-sacrifice of Communists who strove for unity among them.
The editor of Left Front accepted two of my crude poems for publication, sent two of them to Jack Conroys Anvil, and sent another to the New Masses, the successor of the Masses. Doubts still lingered in my mind.
Dont send them if you think they arent good enough, I said to him.
Theyre good enough, he said.
Are you doing this to get me to join up? I asked.
No, he said. Your poems are crude, but good for us. You see, were all new in this. We write articles about Negroes, but we never see any Negroes. We need your stuff.
I sat through several meetings of the club and was impressed by the scope and seriousness of its activities. The club was demanding that the government create jobs for unemployed artists; it planned and organized art exhibits; it raised funds for the publication of Left Front; and it sent scores of speakers to trade-union meetings. The members were fervent, democratic, restless, eager, self-sacrificing. I was convinced, and my response was to set myself the task of making Negroes know what Communists were. I got the notion of writing a series of biographical sketches of Negro Communists. I told no one of my intentions, and I did not know how fantastically naïve my ambition was.
I had attended but a few meetings before I realized that a bitter factional fight was in progress between two groups of members of the club. Sharp arguments rose at every meeting. I noticed that a small group of painters actually led the club and dominated its policies. The group of writers that centered in Left Front resented the leadership of the painters. Being primarily interested in Left Front, I sided in simple loyalty with the writers.
Then came a strange development. The Left Front group declared that the incumbent leadership did not reflect the wishes of the club. A special meeting was called and a motion was made to reelect an executive secretary. When nominations were made for the office, my name was included. I declined the nomination, telling the members that I was too ignorant of their aims to be seriously considered. The debate lasted all night. A vote was taken in the early hours of morning by a show of hands, and I was elected.
Later I learned what had happened: the writers of the club had decided to use me to oust the painters, who were party members, from the leadership of the club. Without my knowledge and consent, they confronted the members of the party with a Negro, knowing that it would be difficult for Communists to refuse to vote for a man representing the largest single racial minority in the nation, inasmuch as Negro equality was one of the main tenets of Communism.
As the clubs leader, I soon learned the nature of the fight. The Communists had secretly organized a fraction in the club; that is, a small portion of the clubs members were secret members of the Communist Party. They would meet outside of the club meetings the sheer strength of their arguments usually persuaded non-party members to vote with them. The crux of the fight was the nonparty members resented the excessive demands made upon the club by the local party authorities through the fraction.
The demands of the local party authorities for money, speakers, and poster painters were so great that the publication of Left Front was in danger. Many young writers had joined the club because of their hope of publishing in Left Front, and when the Communist Party sent word through the fraction that the magazine should be dissolved, the writers rejected the decision, an act which was interpreted as hostility toward party authority.
I pleaded with the party members for a more liberal program for the club. Feelings waxed violent and bitter. Then the showdown came. I was informed that if I wanted to continue as secretary of the club I should have to join the Communist Party. I stated that I favored a policy that allowed for the development of writers and artists. My policy was accepted. I signed the membership card.
One night a Jewish chap appeared at one of our meetings and introduced himself as Comrade Young of Detroit. He told us that he was a member of the Communist Party, a member of the Detroit John Reed Club, that he planned to make his home in Chicago. He was a short, friendly, black-haired, well-read fellow with hanging lips and bulging eyes. Shy of forces to execute the demands of the Communist Party, we welcomed him. But I could not make out Youngs personality; whenever I asked him a simple question, he looked off and stammered a confused answer. I decided to send his references to the Communist Party for checking and forthwith named him for membership in the club. Hes O.K., I thought. Just a queer artist.
After the meeting Comrade Young confronted me with a problem. He had no money, he said, and asked if he could sleep temporarily on the clubs premises. Believing him loyal, I gave him permission. Straightway Young became one of the most ardent members of the organization, admired by all. His paintings which I did not understand impressed our best artists. No report about Young had come from the Communist Party, but since Young seemed a conscientious worker, I did not think the omission serious in any case.
At a meeting one night Young asked that his name be placed upon the agenda; when his time came to speak, he rose and launched into one of the most violent and bitter political attacks in the clubs history upon Swann, one of the best young artists. We were aghast. Young accused Swann of being a traitor to the worker, an opportunist, a collaborator with the police, and an adherent of Trotsky. Naturally most of the clubs members assumed that Young, a member of the party, was voicing the ideas of the party. Surprised and baffled, I moved that Youngs statement be referred to the executive committee for decision. Swann rightfully protested; he declared that he had been attacked in public and would answer in public.
It was voted that Swann should have the floor. He refuted Youngs wild charges, but the majority of the clubs members were bewildered, did not know whether to believe him or not. We all liked Swann, did not believe him guilty of any misconduct; but we did not want to offend the party. A verbal battle ensued. Finally the members who had been silent in deference to the party rose and demanded of me that the foolish charges against Swann be withdrawn. Again I moved that the matter be referred to the executive committee, and again my proposal was voted down. The membership had now begun to distrust the partys motives. They were afraid to let an executive committee, the majority of whom were party members, pass upon the charges made by party member Young.
A delegation of members asked me later if I had anything to do with Youngs charges. I was so hurt and humiliated that I disavowed all relations with Young. Determined to end the farce, I cornered Young and demanded to know who had given him authority to castigate Swann.
Ive been asked to rid the club of traitors.
But Swann isnt a traitor, I said.
We must have a purge, he said, his eyes bulging, his face quivering with passion.
I admitted his great revolutionary fervor, but I felt that his zeal was a trifle excessive. The situation became worse. A delegation of members informed me that if the charges against Swann were not withdrawn, they would resign in a body. I was frantic. I wrote to the Communist Party to ask why orders had been issued to punish Swann, and a reply came back that no such orders had been issued. Then what was Young up to? Who was prompting him? I finally begged the club to let me place the matter before the leaders of the Communist Party. After a violent debate, my proposal was accepted.
One night ten of us met in an office of a leader of the party to hear Young restate his charges against Swann. The party leader, aloof and amused, gave Young the signal to begin. Young unrolled a sheaf of papers and declaimed a list of political charges that excelled in viciousness his previous charges. I starred at Young, feeling that he was making a dreadful mistake, but fearing him because he had, by his own account, the sanction of high political authority.
When Young finished, the party leader asked, Will you allow me to read these charges?
Of course, said Young, surrendering a copy of his indictment. You may keep that copy. I have ten carbons.
Why did you make so many carbons? the leader asked.
I didnt want anyone to steal them, Young said.
If this mans charges against me are taken seriously, Swann said, Ill resign an publicly denounce the club.
You see! Young yelled. Hes with the police!
I was sick. The meeting ended with a promise from the party leader to read the charges carefully and render a verdict as to whether Swann should be placed on trial or not. I was convinced that something was wrong, but I could not figure it out. One afternoon I went to the club to have a long talk with Young; but when I arrived, he was not there. Nor was he there the next day. For a week I sought Young in vain. Meanwhile the clubs members asked his whereabouts and they would not believe me when I told them I did not know. Was he ill? Had he been picked up by the police?
One afternoon Comrade Grimm and I sneaked into the clubs headquarters and opened Youngs luggage. What we saw amazed and puzzled us. First of all, there was a scroll of paper twenty yards long one page pasted to another which had drawings depicting the history of the human race from a Marxist point of view. The first page read: A Pictorial Record of Mans Economic Progress.
This is terribly ambitious, I said.
Hes very studious, Grimm said.
There were long dissertations written in longhand: some were political and others dealt with the history of art. Finally we found a letter with a Detroit return address and I promptly wrote asking news of our esteemed member. A few days later a letter came which said in part:
In reply to your letter, we beg to inform you that Mr. Young, who was a patient in our institution and who escaped from our custody a few months ago, had been apprehended and returned to this institution for mental treatment.
I was thunderstruck. Was this true? Undoubtedly it was. Then what kind of club did we run that a lunatic could step into it and help run it? Were we all so mad that we could not detect a madman when we saw one?
I made a motion that all charges against Swann be dropped, which was done. I offered Swann an apology, but as the leader of the Chicago John Reed Club I was a sobered and chastened Communist.
The Communist Party fraction in the John Reed Club instructed me to ask my party cell or unit, as it was called to assign me to fully duty in the work of the club. I was instructed to give my unit a report of my activities, writing, organizing, speaking. I agreed and wrote the report.
A unit, membership in which is obligatory for all Communists, is the partys basic form of organization. Unit meetings are held on certain nights which are kept secret for fear of police raids. Nothing treasonable occurs at these meetings; but once one is a Communist, one does not have to be guilty of wrongdoing to attract the attention of the police.
I went to my first unit meeting which was held in the Black Belt of the South Side and introduced myself to the Negro organizer.
Welcome, comrade, he said, grinning. Were glad to have a writer with us.
Im not much of a writer, I said.
The meeting started. About twenty Negroes were gathered. The time came for me to make my report and I took out my notes and told them how I had come to join the party, what few stray items I had published, what my duties were in the John Reed Club. I finished and waited for comment. There were silence. I looked about. Most of the comrades sat with bowed heads. Then I was surprised to catch a twitching smile on the lips of a Negro woman. Minutes passed. The Negro woman lifted her head and looked at the organizer. The organizer smothered a smile. Then the woman broke into unrestrained laughter, bending forward and burying her face in her hands. I stared. Had I said something funny?
Whats the matter? I asked.
The giggling became general. The unit organizer, who had been dallying with his pencil, looked up.
Its all right, comrade, he said. Were glad to have a writer in the party.
There was more smothered laughter. What kind of people were these? I had made a serious report and now I heard giggles.
I did the best I could, I said uneasily. I realize that writing is not basic or important. But, give time, I think I can make a contribution.
We know you can, comrade, the black organizer said.
His tone was more patronizing than that of a Southern white man. I grew angry. I thought I knew these people, but evidently I did not. I wanted to take issue with their attitude, but caution urged me to talk it over with others first.
During the following days I learned through discreet questioning that I had seemed a fantastic element to the black Communists. I was shocked to hear that I, who had been only to grammar school, had been classified as an intellectual. What was an intellectual? I had never heard the word used in the sense in which it was applied to me. I had thought that they might refuse me on the ground that I was not politically advanced; I had thought they might say I would have to be investigated. But they had simply laughed.
I learned, to my dismay, that the black Communists in my unit had commented upon my shined shoes, my clean shirt, and the tie I had worn. Above all, my manner of speech had seemed an alien thing to them.
He talks like a book, one of the Negro comrades had said. And that was enough to condemn me forever as bourgeois.
In my party work I met a Negro Communist, Ross, who was under indictment for inciting to riot. Ross typified the effective street agitator. Southern-born, he had migrated north and his life reflected the crude hopes and frustrations of the peasant in the city. Distrustful but aggressive, he was a bundle of the weaknesses and virtues of a man struggling blindly between two societies, of a man living on the margin of a culture. I felt that if I could get his story I could make known some of the difficulties inherent in the adjustment of a folk people to an urban environment; I should make his life more intelligible to others than it was to himself.
I approached Ross and explained my plan. He was agreeable. He invited me to his home, introduced me to his Jewish wife, his young son, his friends. I talked to Ross for hours, explaining what I was about, cautioning him not to relate anything that he did not want to divulge.
Im after the things that made you a Communist. I said.
Word spread in the Communist Party that I was taking notes on the life of Ross, and strange things began to happen. A quiet black Communist came to my home one night and called me out to the street to speak to me in private. He made a prediction about my future that frightened me.
Intellectuals dont fit well into the party, Wright, he said solemnly.
But Im not an intellectual, I protested. I sweep the streets for a living. I had just been assigned by the relief system to sweep the streets for thirteen dollars a week.
That doesnt make any difference, he said. Weve kept records of the trouble weve had with intellectuals in the past. Its estimated that only 13 per cent of them remain in the party.
Why do they leave, since you insist upon calling me an intellectual? I asked.
Most of them drop out of their own accord.
Well, Im not dropping out, I said.
Some are expelled, he hinted gravely.
General opposition to the partys policies, he said.
But Im not opposing anything in the party.
Youll have to prove your revolutionary loyalty.
The party has a way of testing people.
Well, talk. What is this?
How do you react to police?
I dont react to them, I said. Ive never been bothered by them.
Do you know Evans? he asked, referring to a local militant, Negro Communist.
Yes. Ive seen him; Ive met him.
Did you notice that he was injured?
Yes. His head was bandaged.
He got that wound from the police in a demonstration, he explained. Thats proof of revolutionary loyalty.
Do you mean that I must get whacked over the head by cops to prove that Im sincere? I asked.
Im not suggesting anything, he said. Im explaining.
Look. Suppose a cop whacks me over the head and I suffer a brain concussion. Suppose Im nuts after that. Can I write then? What shall I have proved?
He shook his head. The Soviet Union has had to shoot a lot of intellectuals, he said.
Good God! I exclaimed. Do you know what youre saying? Youre not in Russia. Youre standing on a sidewalk in Chicago. You talk like a man lost in a fantasy.
Youve heard of Trotsky, havent you? he asked.
Do you know what happened to him?
He was banished from the Soviet Union, I said.
Do you know why?
Well, I stammered, trying not to reveal my ignorance of politics, for I had not followed the details of Trotskys fight against the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, it seems that after a decision had been made, he broke that decision by organizing against the party.
It was for counter-revolutionary activity, he snapped impatiently; I learned afterwards that my answer had not been satisfactory, had not been couched in the acceptable phrases of bitter, anti-Trotsky denunciation.
I understand, I said. But Ive never read Trotsky. What his stand on minorities?
Why ask me? he asked. I dont read Trotsky.
Look, I said. If you found me reading Trotsky, what would that mean to you?
Comrade, you dont understand, he said in an annoyed tone.
That ended the conversation. But that was not the last was not the last time I was to hear the phrase: Comrade, you dont understand. I had not been aware of holding wrong ideas. I had not read any of Trotskys works; indeed, the very opposite had been true. It had been Stalins National and Colonial Question that had captured my interest.
Of all the developments in the Soviet Union, the way scores of backward peoples had been led to unity on a national scale was what had enthralled me. I had read with awe how the Communists had sent phonetic experts into the vast regions of Russia to listen to the stammering dialects of people oppressed for centuries by the tsars. I had made the first total emotional commitment of my life when I read how the phonetic experts had given these tongueless people a language, newspapers, institutions. I had read how these forgotten folk had been encouraged to keep their old cultures, to see in their ancient customs meaning and satisfactions as deep as those contained in supposedly superior ways of living. And I had exclaimed to myself how different this was from the way in which Negroes were sneered at in America.
Then what was the meaning of the warning I had received from the black Communist? Why was I a suspected man because I wanted to reveal the vast physical and spiritual ravages of Negro life, the profundity latent in these rejected people, the dramas as old as man and the sun and the mountains and the seas that were taking place in the poverty of black America? What was the danger in showing the kinship between the sufferings of the Negro and the sufferings of other people?
I sat one morning in Rosss home with his wife and child. I was scribbling furiously upon my yellow sheets of paper. The doorbell rang and Rosss wife admitted a black Communist, one Ed Green. He was tall, taciturn, soldierly, square-shouldered. I was introduced to him and he nodded stiffly.
Whats happening here? he asked stiffly.
Ross explained my project to him, and as Ross talked I could see Ed Greens face darken. He had not sat down and when Rosss wife offered him a chair he did not hear her.
Whatre you going to do with these notes? he asked me.
I hope to weave them into stories, I said.
Whatre you asking the party members?
About their lives in general.
Who suggested this to you? he asked.
Nobody. I thought of it myself.
Were you ever a member of any other political group?
I worked with the Republicans once, I said.
I mean, revolutionary organizations? he asked.
No. Why do you ask?
What kind of work do you do?
I sweep the streets for a living.
How far did you go in school?
Through the grammar grades.
You talk like a man who went further than that, he said.
Ive read books. I taught myself.
I dont know, he said, looking off.
What do you mean? I asked. Whats wrong?
To whom have you shown this material?
Ive shown it to no one yet.
What was the meaning of his questions? Naively I thought that he himself would make a good model for a biographical sketch.
Id like to interview you next, I said.
Im not interested, he snapped.
His manner was so rough that I did not urge him. He called Ross into a rear room. I sat feeling that I was guilty of something. In a few minutes Ed Green returned, stared at me wordlessly, then marched out.
Who does he think he is? I asked Ross.
Hes a member of the Central Committee, Ross said.
But why does he act like that?
Oh, he always like that, Ross said uneasily.
There was a long silence.
Hes wondering what youre doing with this material, Ross said finally.
I looked at him. He, too, had been captured by suspicion. He was trying to hide the fear in his face.
You dont have to tell me anything you dont want to, I said.
That seemed to soothe him for a moment. But the seed of doubt had already been planted. I felt dizzy. Was I mad? Or were these people mad?
You see, Dick, Rosss wife said, Ross is under an indictment. Ed Green is the representative of the International Labor Defense for the South Side. Its his duty to keep track of the people hes trying to defend. He wanted to know if Ross has given you anything that could be used against him in court.
I was speechless.
What does he think I am? I demanded.
There was no answer.
You lost people! I cried, and banged my fist on the table.
Ross was shaken and ashamed. Aw, Ed Greens just supercautious, he mumbled.
Ross, I asked, do you trust me?
Oh yes, he said uneasily.
We two black men sat in the same room looking at each other in fear. Both of us were hungry. Both of us depended upon public charity to eat and for a place to sleep. Yet we had more doubt in our hearts of each other than of the men who had cast the mold of our lives.
I continued to take notes on Rosss life, but each successive morning found him more reticent. I pitied him and did not argue with him, for I knew that persuasion would not nullify his fears. Instead I sat and listened to him and his friends tell tales of Southern Negro experience, noting them down in my mind, not daring to ask questions for fear they would become alarmed.
In spite of their fears, I became drenched in the details of their lives. I gave up the idea of the biographical sketches and settled finally upon writing a series of short stories, using the material I had got from Ross and his friends, building upon it, inventing. I wove a tale of a group of black boys trespassing upon the property of a white man and the lynching that followed. The story was published in an anthology under the title of Big Boy Leaves Home, but its appearance came too late to influence the Communists who were questioning the use to which I was putting their lives.
My fitful work assignments from the relief officials ceased and I looked for work that did not exist. I borrowed money to ride to and fro on the clubs business. I found a cramped attic for my mother and aunt and brother behind some railroad tracks. At last the relief authorities placed me in the South Side Boys Club and my wages were just enough to provide a bare living for my family.
Then political problems rose to plague me. Ross, whose life I had tried to write, was charged by the Communist Party with anti-leadership tendencies, class collaborationist attitudes, and ideological factionalism phrases so fanciful that I gaped when I heard them. And it was rumored that I, too, would face similar charges. It was believed that I had been politically influenced by him.
One night a group of black comrades came to my house and ordered me to stay away from Ross.
But why? I demanded.
Hes an unhealthy element, they said. Cant you accept a decision?
Is this a decision of the Communist Party?
Yes, they said.
If I were guilty of something, Id feel bound to keep your decision, I said. But Ive done nothing.
Comrade, you dont understand, they said. Members of the party do not violate the partys decisions.
But your decision does not apply to me, I said. Ive be damned if Ill act as if it does.
Your attitude does not merit our trust, they said.
I was angry.
Look, I exploded, rising and sweeping my arms at the bleak attic in which I lived. What is it here that frightens you? You know where I work. You know what I earn. You know my friends. Now, what in Gods name is wrong?
They left with mirthless smiles which implied that I would soon know what was wrong.
But there was relief from these shadowy political bouts. I found my work in the South Side Boys Club deeply engrossing. Each day black boys between the ages of eight and twenty-five came to swim, draw, and read. They were a wild and homeless lot, culturally lost, spiritually disinherited, candidates for the clinics, morgues, prisons, reformatories, and the electric chair of the states death house. For hours I listened to their talk of planes, women, guns, politics, and crime. Their figures of speech were as forceful and colorful as any ever use by English-speaking people. I kept pencil and paper in my pocket to jot down their word-rhythms and reactions. These boys did not fear people to the extent that every man looked like a spy. The Communists who doubted my motives did not know these boys, their twisted dreams, their all to clear destines; and I doubted if I should ever be able to convey to them the tragedy I saw here.
Party duties broke into my efforts at expression. The club decided upon a conference of all the left-wing writers in the Middle West. I supported the idea and argued that the conference should deal with craft problems. My arguments were rejected. The conference, the club decided, would deal with political questions. I asked for a definition of what expected from the writers books or political activity. Both, was the answer. Write a few hours a day and march on the picket line the other hours.
The conference convened with a leading Communist attending as adviser. The question debated was: What does the Communist Party expect from the club? The answer of the Communist leader ran from organizing to writing novels. I argued that either a man organized or he wrote novels. The party leader said that both must be done. The attitude of the party leader prevailed and Left Front, for which I had worked so long, was voted out of existence.
I knew now that the club was nearing its end, and I rose and stated my gloomy conclusions, recommending that the club dissolve. My defeatism as it was called brought upon my head the sharpest disapproval of the party leader. The conference ended with the passing of a multitude of resolutions dealing with China, India, Germany, Japan, and conditions afflicting various parts of the earth. But not one idea regarding writing had emerged.
The ideas I had expounded at the conference were linked with the suspicions I had roused among the Negro Communists on the South Side, and the Communist Party was now certain that it had a dangerous enemy in its midst. It was whispered that I was trying to lead a secret group in opposition to the party. I had learned that denial of accusations was useless. It was painful to meet a Communist, for I did not know what his attitude would be.
Following the conference, a national John Reed Club congress was called. It convened in the summer of 1934 with left-wing writers attending from all states. But as the sessions got under way there was a sense of looseness, bewilderment, and dissatisfaction among the writers, most of whom were young, eager, and on the verge of doing their best work. No one knew what was expected of him, and out of the congress came no unifying idea.
As the congress drew to a close, I attended a caucus to plan the future of the clubs. Ten of us met in a Loop hotel room, and to my amazement the leaders of the clubs national board confirmed my criticisms of the manner in which the clubs had been conducted. I was excited. Now, I thought, the clubs will be given a new lease on life.
Then I was stunned when I heard a nationally known Communist announce a decision to dissolve the clubs. Why? I asked. Because the clubs do not serve the new Peoples Front policy, I was told. That can be remedied; the clubs can be made healthy and broad, I said. No; a bigger and better organization must be launched, one in which the leading writers of the nation could be included, they said. I was informed that the Peoples Front policy was now the correct vision of life and that the clubs could no longer exist. I asked what was to become of the young writers whom the Communist Party had implored to join the clubs and who were ineligible for the new group, and there was no answer. This thing is cold! I exclaimed to myself. To effect a swift change in policy, the Communist Party was dumping one organization, then organizing a new scheme with entirely new people!
I found myself arguing alone against the majority opinion and then I made still another amazing discovery. I saw that even those who agreed with me would not support me. At the meeting I learned that when a man was informed of the wish of the party he submitted, even though he knew with all the strength of his brain that the wish was not a wise one, was one that would ultimately harm the partys interests.
It was not courage that made me oppose the party. I simply did not know any better. It was inconceivable to me, though bred in the lap of Southern hate, that a man could not have his say. I had spent a third of my life traveling from the place of my birth to the North just to talk freely, to escape the pressure of fear. And now I was facing fear again.
Before the congress adjourned, it was decided that another congress of American writers would be called in New York the following summer, 1935. I was lukewarm to the proposal and tried to make up my mind to stand alone, write alone. I was already afraid that the stories I had written would not fit into the new, official mood. Must I discard my plot-ideas and seek new ones? No. I could not. My writing was my way of seeing, my way of living, my way of feeling; and who could change his sight, his sense of direction, his senses?
The spring of 1935 came and the plans for the writers congress went on apace. For some obscure reason it might have been to save me I was urged by the local Communists to attend and I was named as a delegate. I got time off from my job at the South Side Boys Club and, along with several other delegates, hitchhiked to New York.
We arrived in the early evening and registered for the congress sessions. The opening mass meeting was being held at Carnegie Hall. I asked about housing accommodations, and the New York John Reed Club members, all white members of the Communist Party, looked embarrassed. I waited while one white Communist called another white Communist to one side and discussed what could be done to get me, a black Chicago Communist, housed. During the trip I had not thought of myself as a Negro; I had been mulling over the problems of the young left-wing writers I knew. Now, as I stood watching one white comrade talk frantically to another about the color of my skin, I felt disgusted. The white comrade returned.
Just a moment, comrade, he said to me. Ill get a place for you.
But havent you places already? I asked. Matters of this sort are ironed out in advance.
Yes,. He admitted in an intimate tone. We have some addresses here, but we dont know the people. You understand?
Yes, I understand, I said, gritting my teeth.
But just wait a second, he said, touching my arm to reassure me. I find something.
Listen, dont bother, I said, trying to keep anger out of my voice.
Oh, no, he said, shaking his head determinedly. This is a problem and Ill solve it.
It oughtnt to be a problem, I could not help saying.
Oh, I didnt mean that, he caught himself.
I cursed under my breath. Several people standing near-by observed the white Communist trying to find a black Communist a place to sleep. I burned with shame. A few minutes later the white Communist returned, frantic-eyed, sweating.
Did you find anything? I asked.
No, not yet, he said, panting. Just a moment. Im going to call somebody I know. Say, give me a nickel for the phone.
Forget it, I said. My legs felt like water. Ill find a place. But Id like to put my suitcase somewhere until after the meeting tonight.
Do you really think you can find a place? he asked, trying to keep a note of desperate hope out of his voice.
Of course I can, I said.
He was still uncertain. He wanted to help me, but he did not know how. He locked my bag in a closet and I stepped to the sidewalk wondering where I could sleep that night. I stood on the sidewalks of New York with a black skin and practically no money, absorbed, not with the burning questions of the left-wing literary movement in the United States, but with the problem of how to get a bath. I presented my credentials at Carnegie Hall. The building was jammed with people. As I listened to the militant speeches, I found myself wondering why in hell I had come.
I went to the sidewalk and stood studying the faces of the people. I met a Chicago club member.
Didnt you find a place yet? he asked.
No, I said. Id like to try one of the hotels, but, God, Im in no mood to argue with a hotel clerk about my color.
Oh, hell, wait a minute, he said.
He scooted off. He returned in a few moments with a big, heavy white woman. He introduced us.
You can sleep in my place tonight, she said.
I walked with her to her apartment and she introduced me to her husband. I thanked them for their hospitality and went to sleep on a cot in the kitchen. I got up at six, dressed, tapped on their door, and bade them good-bye. I went to the sidewalk, sat on a bench, took out pencil and paper, and tried to jot down notes for the argument I wanted to make in defense of the John Reed Clubs. But the problem of the clubs did not seem important. What did seem important was: Could a Negro ever live halfway like a human being in this goddamn country?
That day I sat through the congress sessions, but what I heard did not touch me. That night I found my way to Harlem and walked pavements filled with black life. I was amazed, when I asked passers-by, to learn that there were practically no hotels for Negroes in Harlem. I kept walking. Finally I saw a tall, clean hotel; black people were passing the doors and no white people in sight. Confidently I entered and was surprised to see a white clerk behind the desk. I hesitated.
Id like a room, I said.
Not here, he said.
But isnt this Harlem? I asked.
Yes, but this hotel is for white only, he said.
Where is a hotel for colored?
You might try the Y, he said.
Half an hour later I found the Negro Young Mens Christian Association, that bulwark of Jim Crowism for young black men, got a room, took a bath, and slept for twelve hours. When I awakened, I did not want to go to the congress. I lay in bed thinking, Ive got to go it alone . . . Ive got to learn how again . . .
I dressed and attended the meeting that was to make the final decision to dissolve the clubs. It started briskly. A New York Communist writer summed up the history of the clubs and made a motion for their dissolution. Debate started and I rose and explained what the clubs meant to young writers and begged for their continuance. I sat down amid silence. Debate was closed. The vote was called. The room filled with uplifted hands to dissolve. Then came a call for those who disagreed and my hand went up alone. I knew that my stand would be interpreted as one of opposition to the Communist Party, but I thought: The hell with it.
(To be continued)
Source: The Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 174, No. 2 August 1944
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By Lorraine Hansberry
I can hear Rosalee See the eyes of Willie McGee My mother told me about Lynchings My mother told me about The dark nights And dirt roads And torch lights And lynch robes
The faces of men Laughing white Faces of men Dead in the night sorrow night and a sorrow night
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Writer Lorraine Hansberry’s sober eulogy of the death of Willie McGee weighed heavy on the hearts and minds of the American Left. On May 8, 1951, a crowd of five hundred lingered outside the courthouse of Laurel, Mississippi, to witness the execution of yet another black man convicted for allegedly raping a white woman. His 1945 lightning trial resulted in a guilty conviction delivered in less than two and a half minutes by an all-white, male jury, setting off a heated five-year legal struggle that drew national headlines. Despite an aggressive appeals defense team who attempted every legal maneuver in the book, the US Supreme Court ultimately chose not to intervene. With the legal lynching of the Martinsville Seven in February, Ethel and Julius Rosenberg’s conviction in March, followed by the execution of McGee in May, 1951 was a bad year for Left-leaning lawyers (Parrish 1979; Rise 1995). Most discouraging, national news sources like the New York Times and Life magazine red-baited the “Save Willie McGee” campaign andas Life reportedits “imported” lawyers (Popham 1951a; Life 1951). Few felt McGee’s passing with as heavy a heart as his chief counsel, thirty-one-year-old Bella Abzug.
Before Abzug became a representative in Congress and a leader in the peace and women’s movements, she confronted the Southern political and legal system at the height of the early Cold War. Retained in 1948 by the Civil Rights Congress (CRC)a New York-headquartered Popular Front legal defense organizationthe novice labor lawyer honed her civil rights . . .
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By Tom Reiss
Here is the remarkable true story of the real Count of Monte Cristoa stunning feat of historical sleuthing that brings to life the forgotten hero who inspired such classics as The Count of Monte Cristo and The Three Musketeers. The real-life protagonist of The Black Count, General Alex Dumas, is a man almost unknown today yet with a story that is strikingly familiar, because his son, the novelist Alexandre Dumas, used it to create some of the best loved heroes of literature. Yet, hidden behind these swashbuckling adventures was an even more incredible secret: the real hero was the son of a black slavewho rose higher in the white world than any man of his race would before our own time. Born in Saint-Domingue (now Haiti), Alex Dumas was briefly sold into bondage but made his way to Paris where he was schooled as a sword-fighting member of the French aristocracy.
Enlisting as a private, he rose to command armies at the height of the Revolution, in an audacious campaign across Europe and the Middle Eastuntil he met an implacable enemy he could not defeat.
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By David Graeber
Before there was money, there was debt. Every economics textbook says the same thing: Money was invented to replace onerous and complicated barter systemsto relieve ancient people from having to haul their goods to market. The problem with this version of history? Theres not a shred of evidence to support it. Here anthropologist David Graeber presents a stunning reversal of conventional wisdom. He shows that for more than 5,000 years, since the beginnings of the first agrarian empires, humans have used elaborate credit systems to buy and sell goodsthat is, long before the invention of coins or cash. It is in this era, Graeber argues, that we also first encounter a society divided into debtors and creditors. Graeber shows that arguments about debt and debt forgiveness have been at the center of political debates from Italy to China, as well as sparking innumerable insurrections.
He also brilliantly demonstrates that the language of the ancient works of law and religion (words like guilt, sin, and redemption) derive in large part from ancient debates about debt, and shape even our most basic ideas of right and wrong.
We are still fighting these battles today without knowing it. Debt: The First 5,000 Years is a fascinating chronicle of this little known historyas well as how it has defined human history, and what it means for the credit crisis of the present day and the future of our economy. Economist Glenn Loury /Criminalizing a Race
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By Michele Alexander
Contrary to the rosy picture of race embodied in Barack Obama’s political success and Oprah Winfrey’s financial success, legal scholar Alexander argues vigorously and persuasively that [w]e have not ended racial caste in America; we have merely redesigned it. Jim Crow and legal racial segregation has been replaced by mass incarceration as a system of social control (More African Americans are under correctional control today… than were enslaved in 1850). Alexander reviews American racial history from the colonies to the Clinton administration, delineating its transformation into the war on drugs. She offers an acute analysis of the effect of this mass incarceration upon former inmates who will be discriminated against, legally, for the rest of their lives, denied employment, housing, education, and public benefits.
Most provocatively, she reveals how both the move toward colorblindness and affirmative action may blur our vision of injustice: most Americans know and don’t know the truth about mass incarcerationbut her carefully researched, deeply engaging, and thoroughly readable book should change that.Publishers Weekly
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By John Lewis and Michael DOrso
Lewis, an Alabama sharecropper’s son, went to Nashville to attend a Baptist college where, at the end of the 1950s, his life and the new civil rights movement became inexorably entwined. First came the lunch counter sit-ins; then the Freedom Rides; the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Lewis’s election to its chairmanship; the voter registration drives; the 1963 march on Washington; the Birmingham church bombings; the murders during the Freedom Summer; the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party; Bloody Sunday in Selma in 1964; and the march on Montgomery. Lewis was an active, leading member during all of it. Much of his account, written with freelancer D’Orso, covers the same territory as David Halberstam’s The Children. Halberstam himself appears here briefly as a young reporter but Lewis imbues it with his own observations as a participant.
He is at times so self-effacing in this memoir that he underplays his role in the events he helped create. But he has a sharp eye, and his account of Selma and the march that followed is vivid and personal. He describes the rivalries within the movement as well as the enemies outside. After being forced out of SNCC because of internal politics, Lewis served in President Carter’s domestic peace corps, dabbled in local Georgia politics, then in 1986 defeated his old friend Julian Bond in a race for Congress, where he still serves. Lewis notes that people often take his quietness for meekness. His book, a uniquely well-told testimony by an eyewitness, makes clear that such an impression is entirely inaccurate.Publishers Weekly
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By H. W. Brands
In Greenback Planet, acclaimed historian H. W. Brands charts the dollar’s astonishing rise to become the world’s principal currency. Telling the story with the verve of a novelist, he recounts key episodes in U.S. monetary history, from the Civil War debate over fiat money (greenbacks) to the recent worldwide financial crisis. Brands explores the dollar’s changing relations to gold and silver and to other currencies and cogently explains how America’s economic might made the dollar the fundamental standard of value in world finance. He vividly describes the 1869 Black Friday attempt to corner the gold market, banker J. P. Morgan’s bailout of the U.S. treasury, the creation of the Federal Reserve, and President Franklin Roosevelt’s handling of the bank panic of 1933. Brands shows how lessons learned (and not learned) in the Great Depression have influenced subsequent U.S. monetary policy, and how the dollar’s dominance helped transform economies in countries ranging from Germany and Japan after World War II to Russia and China today.
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By Shirley Sherrod
Sherrod sets the record straight on her forced resignation from the Department of Agriculture in 2010. The author. . .was director for the USDA’s Rural Development in Georgia when conservative political blogger Andrew Breitbart attacked her for allegedly reverse racist comments she made at an NAACP event. The threat of exposure on national TV was enough to send the USDA running for cover, and she was dismissed. Sherrod decided she had to fight back. She and her husband have been directly involved in the struggles for political and economic justice in Georgia and elsewhere since the 1960s, and they were part of Martin Luther King’s movement for civil rights. She writes about growing up in segregated Georgia and the circumstances surrounding her fathers murder and the arson of her family homeat that time, fear was the daily diet that kept the status quo alive. In the 70s, Sherrod and her husband worked with other farmers in Georgia on experimental projects.
Denied drought assistance funds by the USDA, they faced foreclosure and joined a class-action suit to redress the discrimination. Eventually, they won the settlement, a decision strongly opposed by conservatives. Sherrod writes sharply about the continuing legacy of racism and how economic policy, hidebound bureaucracy and plain malice affect poor people everywhere, and why pretending that we are in a post-racial world doesnt help anyone. An inspiring memoir about the real power of courage and hope.
update 24 September 2012